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[l] at 1/10/25 7:06pm
Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread. The caption to this week’s top shot reads: COLORADO SPRINGS, CO MAY 10: A group of media were allowed inside Cheyenne Mountain Air Force Station as NORAD celebrates its 60th Anniversary on May 10, 2018 in Colorado Springs, Colorado. (Photo by RJ Sangosti/The Denver Post via Getty Images) Also, a reminder: Prime Directives! If you want to talk politics, do so respectfully and know that there’s always somebody that isn’t going to agree with you.  If you have political differences, hash it out respectfully, stick to the facts, and no childish name-calling or personal attacks of any kind. If you can’t handle yourself in that manner, then please, discuss virtually anything else. No drive-by garbage political memes. No conspiracy theory rants. Links to crackpot sites will be axed, too. Trolling and shitposting will not be tolerated. No obsessive behavior about other users. Just don’t interact with folks you don’t like.  Do not be a sucker and feed trolls! That’s as much on you as on them. Use the mute button if you don’t like what you see.   So unless you have something of quality to say, know how to treat people with respect, understand that everyone isn’t going to subscribe to your exact same worldview, and have come to terms with the reality that there is no perfect solution when it comes to moderation of a community like this, it’s probably best to just move on.  Finally, as always, report offenders, please. This doesn’t mean reporting people who don’t share your political views, but we really need your help in this regard. The Bunker is open! Contact the editor: tyler@twz.com The post Bunker Talk: Let’s Talk About All The Things We Did And Didn’t Cover This Week appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Bunker Talk] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/10/25 2:32pm
The end is in sight for one of the British Army’s most iconic vehicles, the Land Rover, with the U.K. Ministry of Defense having put out an industry request for a successor. While the British Army’s Land Rover fleet is now far smaller than in its Cold War heyday, it remains one of the best-known military vehicles anywhere in the world, and its design — inspired by the World War II-era Willys Jeep — is a pioneer of the 44, off-road-capable segment. A Weapons Mounted Installation Kit (WMIK) Land Rover of the Queen’s Royal Lancers (QRL) on a desert patrol, toward the Iranian border, during the war in Iraq. Crown Copyright A Request for Information (RFI) for the British Army’s Light Mobility Vehicle (LMV) was issued today by the U.K. Ministry of Defense, starting the procurement process for a fleet of vehicles that will replace the last Land Rovers — as well as the Pinzgauer, an Austrian-designed high-mobility all-terrain utility vehicle. Both of these vehicles are intended to be withdrawn by 2030. Issued in the early stage of the program, an RFI essentially serves to gauge industry interest. It’s unclear how many LMVs the Ministry of Defense is looking to buy, but in 2022 the ministry said that the British Armed Forces had a combined total of 7,837 Land Rovers and Pinzgauers, giving some idea of the scale of the requirement. A 66 Pinzgauer is used to tow one of the British Army’s Watchkeeper unmanned aerial systems prior to launch from RAF Akrotiri, Cyprus. Crown Copyright Cpl Matty Matthews Based on the RFI, the Ministry of Defense is looking for details of production, supply, in-service support, and training for a future LMV, a wheeled utility platform that is one part of the broader Land Mobility Program (LMP). A potential for an off-the-shelf (OTS) solution is favored, to ensure that a proven design can be fielded rapidly and without significant investment in its development. Meanwhile, the broader LMP effort seeks to radically rationalize the British Army’s fighting vehicle fleet, reducing the number of types of protected patrol and light utility vehicles in service from more than a dozen types now in use, to just three. These three new vehicle types will be procured under separate strands of LMP: a Medium Protected Mobility Vehicle weighing less than 20 tonnes, a Light Protected Mobility (LPM) weighing less than 10 tonnes, and the aforementioned Light Mobility Vehicle at less than three-and-a-half tonnes. A soldier from 3 Para, cleans a 50-cal machine gun mounted on a WIMIK Land Rover, in the Taliban stronghold town of Nowzad, Helmand Province, Afghanistan. Crown Copyright In each case, the Ministry of Defense wants to select designs that conform to Generic Vehicle Architecture (GVA) standards — a baseline that will allow continued spiral development across the service life of the vehicles. Other requirements include compliance with the Land Industrial Strategy, which calls for at least 60 percent of the workshare to be handled by U.K. industry. In the fall of last year, the Ministry of Defense said that it wanted to start the tendering process for the Land Mobility Program by November 2025 and then select the chosen platforms by October 2026. A so-called “Minimum Deployable Capability” is envisaged for before 2029. A Royal Marine WMIK Land Rover moves forward up a convoy as it provides escort protection between Camp Bastion and Kandahar Airport, during operations in Afghanistan. Crown Copyright It’s already been decided that the Light Mobility Vehicle will lead the requirement process, although it’s expected to be followed soon after by the Light Protected Mobility Vehicle program. The LMV has been described in the past as an unprotected or lightly protected tactical vehicle. Aside from this, few specific requirements have been publicly discussed, although there will likely be a wide range of platforms to choose from, with the 44 light military vehicle marketplace being a very crowded one. In the past, designs that have been suggested as suitable for the British Army’s LMP have included the Hawkei and Bushmaster from Thales, Babcock’s General Logistics Vehicle, and the GM Defense Infantry Squad Vehicle. A Thales promotional video showing the 1,000th Hawkei — a vehicle that could be a possible British Army Land Rover replacement: Overall, there is a lot at stake in the Land Mobility Program, and the Light Mobility Vehicle especially, with various previous efforts at procuring new vehicles in this class having ended in failure. There is also the fact that the Light Mobility Vehicle in particular seeks to replace a vehicle that has been essentially irreplaceable for the British Army for more than 75 years. The British Army received its first Series 1 Land Rovers in 1949, only a year after the design was first unveiled, and the vehicle was successively improved over the years, reflecting the service’s experience, including in multiple overseas conflicts. Suez Crisis, 1956: Troops on the alert for snipers as a British Army convoy, including Series 1 Land Rovers, drives through the streets of Port Said, Egypt. Photo by NCJ Kemsley/NCJ Archive/Mirrorpix via Getty Images Mirrorpix The Land Rover line was subject to some major overhauls in the 1980s, resulting in the Land Rover 90 and 110, better known as Land Rover Defenders. The first of these entered service with the British Army in 1985. A British Army Land Rover Defender patrol during Operation Palliser, the British military intervention in Sierra Leone in 2000. Crown Copyright Next came the Defender Wolf, which entered service in 1997 and was actually an entirely new design, also known by the formal designation Truck Utility Light High Specification/Truck Utility Medium High Specification. Close to 8,000 Defender Wolf vehicles were acquired, in short- and long-wheelbase versions. A Land Rover of the RAF Regiment with a Weapon Mounted Installation Kit (WMIK) on patrol near Basra Air Base, Iraq. Crown Copyright These became signature vehicles of post-Cold War conflicts in which the British Army was involved, spawning at least 65 different variants, including some adapted for special forces use. In the process, the vehicle was further modified, adding beefed-up suspension, more powerful brakes, and weapon mounts that could accommodate machine guns and even an automatic grenade launcher. Other important variants of the British Army Land Rover include battlefield ambulances, with a capacity for a combination of up to four stretchers or six seated casualties. This, like other Land Rovers, is also air-portable and has a limited amphibious capability, being able to wade through water. British Army Land Rover battlefield ambulances. Crown Copyright However, experience in the counterinsurgency warfare that dominated British Army operations in the first decade of the 21st century demonstrated that the Land Rover, even when provided with additional armor, was too poorly protected to withstand threats such as improvised explosive devices (IEDs), typically placed as roadside bombs. Land Rovers were steadily withdrawn in favor of better-protected vehicles, like the Force Protection Ocelot, known in British Army service as the Foxhound, a wheeled infantry mobility vehicle featuring the V-shaped hull typical of mine-resistant vehicles. British Army Foxhounds on the Drawsko Pomorskie Training Area (DPTA) in Poland for Exercise Steadfast Defender 2024. Crown Copyright However, the United Kingdom continues to invest in the Land Rover to keep the vehicles viable until their final withdrawal in 2030. In September last year, a contract worth £71 million (around $86 million) was signed, to provide spares and post-design services for the Land Rover and Pinzgauer, as well as their associated trailers. Much of the Land Rover’s longevity with the British Army is due to its simplicity, ruggedness, and the ease with which it can be repaired — especially vital when in the field. However, in recent years, it’s primarily been used in secondary roles, not on the battlefield, but in a support and training capacity. Soldiers from the Royal Yeomanry exercising in a RWMIK-configured Land Rover on the Bramley Training Area in Hampshire, England. Crown Copyright “They are used in liaison roles as communications vehicles, transport vehicles,” Maj. Donald Urquhart from 154 (Scottish) Regiment Royal Logistic Corps, told Forces News in 2023. “Currently they are used very much in a training role for deploying and operations. On operations, we generally try and go for an armored vehicle, so these are training platforms normally carrying radios and command posts.” Maj. Urquhart added that the antiquated nature of the design also provides one of its biggest advantages. “These vehicles are still very successful because they don’t have any electronics on them. There’s no electronic control unit so a very straightforward to fix and that’s probably the biggest single strength.” The British Army’s Land Rover successor will be more complex but will almost certainly also offer a better level of protection, meaning it can return to working in more hazardous environments. Whatever vehicle is chosen, it seems impossible that it will match the longevity of the Land Rover, which will have been in British Army service for an astonishing 81 years, provided it sees out its service, as currently planned, in 2030. Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com The post Land Rover Replacement Program Kickstarted By U.K. Military After 76 Years Of Service appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Around The Globe, Europe, Land, Light Vehicles, United Kingdom] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/10/25 2:21pm
Cal Fire will receive two more CL-415 Super Scoopers from a Canadian non-profit to replace the one damaged Thursday by a drone strike as it was fighting the Palisades Fire, The War Zone has learned. This will take the total force of Super Scoopers currently available to Cal Fire from one to three. In addition, it is hoped that the aircraft, which has a hole in its left wing, will be back on line by early next week. The appearance of the drone in the firefighting area despite restrictions temporarily grounded all firefighting aircraft working that fire, as The War Zone was the first to report. “The new planes will be sent in the middle of next week if the weather is good for flying,” Stephane Caron, spokesman for the Quebec-based SOPFEU non-profit told us on Friday. At issue, he said, are the winds and snow often present in Canada during this time of year that can often keep aircraft grounded. The organization has eight CL-415s and six older CL-215s, Caron explained. This CL-415 (#243) is one of 2 from Quebec is currently in LA assisting with fighting the fires right now. my photo. Now grounded after a mid-air collision with an illegally operated drone over the Pacific Palisades fire. pic.twitter.com/EcP4jZec2j— Darrell A. Larose (@DarrellLarose) January 10, 2025 As for the damaged Super Scooper, LA County Fire Chief Anthony Marrone told reporters on Friday that the hopes the aircraft will be flying again on Monday. That Super Scooper will be prioritized for repair. 24/7, he said. NOW – LA County Fire Chief: "We did have a drone incursion yesterday at the Palisades fire This small drone hit the wing of our CL-415 super scooper aircraft that we currently have on contract from the province of Quebec." pic.twitter.com/RcNQ03J5sw— Chief Nerd (@TheChiefNerd) January 10, 2025 Maintenance personnel from SOPFREU and from De Havilland Aircraft, which built the plane, are on scene evaluating the damage and how it can be repaired, Caron said. “The goal is to get the plane back [to California] by next week,” Caron posited. “That is what we hope for. It is what they told us they are able to do. But there are no guarantees. It is an airplane and needs to be fixed.” Specific questions about the incident and aircraft condition should be directed to the operator, however, De Havilland Canada is providing support as needed and has prioritized requests to the highest level to provide assistance and or parts to enable the operator to get the aircraft back in operation as soon as possible, the company told us in a statement. As The War Zone was the first to report, the damaged Super Scooper was one of two that Cal Fire currently leases. They are unique and highly valued assets with the ability to drop up to 1,600 gallons of water at a time and do so repeatedly on a single flight by scooping up more water from the ocean and lakes. Other fixed-wing firefighting aircraft of similar size and larger must land at an airport and be refilled, which takes a lot of time. CL-415 SuperScoopers filling up seawater off the coast of Los Angeles pic.twitter.com/HnZb3aPGZP— das Framke (@Futureview) January 10, 2025 #Canadian CL-415 Super Scoopers at work in Los Angeles, helping battle the horrendous #LosAngelesWildfiresThe Quebec-based aircraft can scoop up 1600 gallons of water in 12 seconds. pic.twitter.com/SXcafJonL6— Binks (@BinkyBaxter1) January 9, 2025 The fact that SOPFUE is providing two more Super Scoopers and hopes to have the damaged one back on line next week gives firefighters greater options, Chris Thomas, a spokesman assigned to the Palisades Fire, told us. “We have six other fires and they could use them” elsewhere, Thomas said, adding that the two Super Scoopers currently under lease are assigned specifically to fighting the Palisades Fire. Despite the plane being out of service, Cal Fire has 17 additional fixed- and rotary-wing aircraft that are working to fill the gap, Thomas pointged out. However, the fire grew by more than 10 percent overnight, to nearly 20,000 acres, and is only 8% contained. “We fear that the death toll might rise,” Thomas cautioned. Flames from the Palisades Fire burns a building at Sunset Boulevard amid a powerful windstorm on January 8, 2025 in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles, California. (Photo by Apu Gomes/Getty Images) Apu Gomes To help prevent a future drone strike, the FBI is bringing in anti-drone equipment, Thomas told us. He was not informed what kind. We reached out to the FBI for additional information. Thomas added that while the LA County Fire Department has its own anti-drone equipment that it deploys for events and other situations, it will not be used for this fire because of the FBI equipment. Thomas could not say if the countys anti-drone equipment had previously been deployed for this fire or, if it wasnt, why not. Usually this type of equipment provides awareness of drones in the sky, but has no means to take them down. You can read all about the issues with doing the latter in domestic airspace here. The drone incident has sparked “a huge investigation” being led by the FBI, Thomas explained. “They are taking this extremely seriously.” Our federal partners behind the scenes are going to be implementing procedures to be able to follow drones in our two large fire areas, LA County Fire Chief Anthony Marrone told reporters on Friday. And they will be able to identify who the operator of that drone is. The most important thing to know is that if you fly a drone at one of these brush fires all aerial operations will be shut down. And we certainly dont want to have that happen. The drone into the firefighting area despite an FAA-ordered Temporary Flight Restriction (TFR) that runs through Jan. 24. FAA “It’s a federal crime, punishable by up to 12 months in prison, to interfere with firefighting efforts on public lands,” the FAA said in a statement. “Additionally, the FAA can impose a civil penalty of up to $75,000 against any drone pilot who interferes with wildfire suppression, law enforcement or emergency response operations when temporary flight restrictions (TFRs) are in place. The FAA treats these violations seriously and immediately considers swift enforcement action for these offenses. The FAA has not authorized anyone unaffiliated with the Los Angeles firefighting operations to fly drones in the TFRs.” The pilots of the Super Scooper did not know they had been hit by a drone until landing at Van Nuys Airport, Marrone noted. It is unknown exactly what time this small drone hit the wing of our CL 415 Super Scooper aircraft that we currently have on contract from the Province of Quebec, Marrone told reporters on Friday. After they landed, the maintenance staff noticed that there was a fist-sized hole in the leading edge of the wing inboard of the landing light. While the temporary loss of the Super Scooper has placed an extra burden on firefighters, the fact that the fleet will now double is at least one silver lining in a horrific situation. Please, whatever you do, please keep your drones far away from active firefighting operations. Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com The post Two More CL-415 Super Scoopers On The Way To Fight Palisades Fire After One Damaged By Drone appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/10/25 12:20pm
The second tranche of U.S. Air Force Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) drones could be between 20 to 30 percent more expensive per airframe than those in the first batch. At the same time, Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall has said he does not believe the so-called Increment 2 CCAs should evolve into high-end exquisite platforms. This comes amid serious questions about the Air Forces ability to afford its next round of CCAs, as well as other future advanced aircraft, including new sixth-generation crewed combat jets and stealthy tankers. Secretary Kendall talked about plans for CCAs Increment 2, the core requirements for which are still being solidified, in a recent interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine. The Air Force is working to acquire what could ultimately be a fleet of multiple different types of CCA drones through iterative development cycles. Anduril and General Atomics are currently developing designs as part of Increment 1. Dozens of contractors are also working on other aspects of the program, including advanced autonomous technologies. Models of the Increment 1 CCA designs from General Atomics (top) and Anduril (bottom). General Atomics/Jamie Hunter “I think, personally, something that has some increase in cost over Increment 1 would not be outrageous,” Kendall told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “20 or 30 percent, something like that. Kendall has said in the past that the goal is for the price point for Increment 1 CCas to be between one-quarter and one-third of that of an F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. This would put the price tag of a single one of those drones at between around $20.5 and $27.5 million based on publicly available Joint Strike Fighter cost data. A 20/30 percent increase in those figures would put the price range for Increment 2 CCAs at between approximately $24.6/$26.65 and $33/35.75 million. But, again, it depends upon the mix, right? What capabilities do you put on every aircraft, every CCA? What do you distribute?” Kendall added. The Air Forces top civilian has noted on multiple occasions in the past how CCAs designed to operate in networked groups closely together with crewed aircraft will not each have to feature the same broad mix of capabilities found on traditional combat jets. This, in turn, opens up the possibility for new design opportunities that can have beneficial downstream impacts, including when it comes to keeping costs low, across development, production, and sustainment cycles. This is something TWZ has also been highlighting for years now, well before the current CCA program emerged, especially when it comes to work on fully networked drone swarm capabilities. The video below from Collins Aerospace presents one notional vision for how CCAs might operate together with crewed aircraft, at least initially. A fighter is designed to do a lot of things – a crewed fighter – have a lot of subsystems on it, sensing electronic warfare, command and control to some degree, the communications, as well as carry a variety of weapons, Kendall said back in December during an online chat hosted by the Air & Space Forces Associations Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. Every CCA doesnt have to have all those things, but you have to have a mix that, working together again with a crewed aircraft, gives you the set of capabilities thats most cost effective. I dont regard CCAs as expendable. Theyre not munitions. we dont send them all to die, the Air Forces top civilian had also said at that time. So there needs to be enough survivability in them – the combination of how you equip them, design them, plus tactics so that you can have reasonable attrition in most areas – but they are things that you are willing to let a few of die in order to gain an advantage. Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall. USAF The good news with CCA is we started at day one with this [iterative] approach, and so a number of trades have been made, and we have the capacity to make more, right? Andrew Hunter, Assistant Secretary of the Air Force for Acquisition, Technology & Logistics, said during a separate talk that the Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS) think tank hosted in December. And because of the way that weve approached the CCA program with more than one increment, we can make different trade-offs in future increments. Is it more capable? Is it more affordable? Where on the the spectrum will Increment 2 land? Those are questions to be explored, Hunter added. Is it more exquisite and where does it fall on the spectrum? [there is] still a lot to be determined in that process. As noted, in his more recent interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine, Secretary Kendall said the Increment 2 CCA should “definitely” not be “exquisite” platforms. In this context, exquisite would refer to much higher-end (and expensive) drone designs, such as stealthy, highly advanced, heavier payload, flying wing uncrewed combat air vehicles (UCAV). Air Force officials have more broadly pushed back on the idea of pursuing a stealthy UCAV in favor of lower-tier and cheaper CCA concepts that could be acquired more affordably in greater numbers. This was underscored last year by Lockheed Martins disclosure that its losing pitch for CCAs Increment 1 was a higher-end gold-plated design. As TWZ has pointed out previously, this is all in spite of the potential value that UCAVs could provide as part of a larger mix of crewed and uncrewed aircraft and despite significant prior investments the U.S. military has made on that front. In addition, multiple countries around the world, especially China, but also including Russia, France, Turkey, and India, are actively working on flying wing-type UCAVs. A model of a Chinese GJ-11 Sharp Sword, one of a number of flying wing UCAV designs in active development in that country. Yang Suping/VCG via Getty Images For the Air Force, discussions about what the service might want out of Increment 2 CCAs are intertwined with increasingly worrisome discussions about the affordability of a number of major modernization efforts. This includes work on a new sixth-generation stealthy crewed combat jet and advanced stealth tankers. The sixth-generation combat jet and CCA programs are both part of the Air Forces larger Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) initiative. Other budget pressures, especially due to the Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile programs ballooning cost growth, as well as deliberations about the expected size of the future B-21 Raider stealth bomber fleet, are also factors. A deep review of the sixth-generation combat jet plans is set to wrap up under the incoming Trump administration, which will also be in a position to make new decisions about the CCA, next-generation aerial refueling aircraft, and other efforts. President-elect Donald Trump has not yet named a nominee for Secretary of the Air Force. A rendering of a notional sixth-generation stealth crewed combat jet flying together with a trio of drones. Collins Aerospace A rendering of a notional sixth-generation crewed combat jet flying together with a trio of drones. Collins Aerospace “These three potential new designs and platforms [the NGAD combat jet, CCAs, and stealthy tankers] are all tied together, both operationally and from an affordability perspective. We are working through a sprint of about four months of effort to determine the best combination of capabilities to pursue at various investment levels,” Secretary Kendall said during a speech last November. “The variable that concerns me most as we go through this analysis and produce a range of alternatives is going to be [the availability of adequate resources.] … to pursue any combination of those new designs.” “Right now, given our commitments, our resources, and strategic priorities, it’s hard for me to see how we can afford any combination of those new designs,” Kendall bluntly added. A rendering of a notional stealthy tanker refueling a pair of F-35 Joint Strike Fighters. Lockheed Martin Skunk Works There is “a consensus that there are a number of other things that we need to fund,” but that it would still be beneficial to have an NGAD-like aircraft if sufficient funding is made available, the Air Force Secretary more recently told Air & Space Forces Magazine. When it comes to CCAs, the Air Force also expects them, in general, to have a transformative impact on how it fights, as well as its day-to-day activities, including training and maintenance cycles. Last year, the service announced it had ordered more Increment 1 types to help in the development of new concepts of operations and tactics, techniques, and procedures around the new drones. Service officials have said they could ultimately buy between 100 and 150 Increment 1 CCAs, and multiple thousands of drones across all of the programs eventual increments. Crewed surrogates, including specially modified F-16 Vipers, are supporting those efforts, as well. What the Air Force learns from that experimentation could well feed into the still-ongoing refinement of the Increment 2 requirements. As it stands right now, the Air Force does increasingly look to be leaning toward greater capability, and cost, for its second batch of CCAs. Contact the author: joe@twz.com The post Second Batch Of Air Force CCA Drones Could Be 20 To 30 Percent Pricier Than The First appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, Air Forces, Drones, Fighters, Loyal Wingman, News & Features, NGAD, Stealth, Tankers, U.S. Air Force, Unmanned] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 10:09pm
A drones collision with a water-dropping aircraft fighting the Palisades fire in Los Angeles caused the temporary grounding of all aircraft working that fire and took out one of just the two amphibous planes capable of repeatedly scooping 1,600 gallons of water from the ocean and delivering it onto nearby flames, Cal Fire told The War Zone. A Canadair CL-415 Super Scooper turboprop plane smashed into a drone around 10 a.m. local time, Cal Fire spokesman Chris Thomas told The War Zone. CL-415 SuperScoopers filling up seawater off the coast of Los Angeles pic.twitter.com/HnZb3aPGZP— das Framke (@Futureview) January 10, 2025 #Canadian CL-415 Super Scoopers at work in Los Angeles, helping battle the horrendous #LosAngelesWildfiresThe Quebec-based aircraft can scoop up 1600 gallons of water in 12 seconds. pic.twitter.com/SXcafJonL6— Binks (@BinkyBaxter1) January 9, 2025 The combination of the Super Scooper being put out of service along with the other firefighting aircraft being temporarily ground was a blow to crews trying to put out the massive fire, one of several blazing across the Los Angeles area. Thousands of homes have been destroyed in the neighborhood located between Malibu and Santa Monica. “This is creating a huge danger,” said Thomas. “This is an unprecedented fire. When we ground all aircraft, it could be anywhere from 15 minutes to half an hour. You know how far a fire can spread in half an hour.” The Super Scoopers have been making dozens of flights a day, with multiple drops on each flight, meaning Cal Fire loses the ability to drop tens of thousands of gallons of badly needed water until the damaged aircraft is repaired. The Super Scoopers fly over the fire, release their water, and then head over to the ocean to refill, a process that takes about five minutes. This is a unique capability, at least for Cal Fire, as fixed-wing firefighting aircraft of similar size or larger need to land at an airport to refill and cant execute continuous drops on a single sortie to beat back a raging fire line. LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA JANUARY 8: A Firefighter fights the flames from the Palisades Fire while it burns homes at Pacific Coast Highway amid a powerful windstorm on January 8, 2025 in Malibu, California. The fast-moving wildfire it grow to more than 2900-acres and is threatening homes in the coastal neighborhood amid intense Santa Ana Winds and dry conditions in Southern California. (Photo by Apu Gomes/Getty Images) Apu Gomes The drone was flying despite a Temporary Flight Restriction TFR imposed by the FAA over the area from Jan. 9 to Jan. 23 to prevent any aircraft, manned or drone, from interfering with firefighting efforts. The drone was being flown by a photographer taking video of the flames, the LA Times reported. FAA “It’s a federal crime, punishable by up to 12 months in prison, to interfere with firefighting efforts on public lands,” the FAA said in a statement. “Additionally, the FAA can impose a civil penalty of up to $75,000 against any drone pilot who interferes with wildfire suppression, law enforcement or emergency response operations when temporary flight restrictions (TFRs) are in place. The FAA treats these violations seriously and immediately considers swift enforcement action for these offenses. The FAA has not authorized anyone unaffiliated with the Los Angeles firefighting operations to fly drones in the TFRs.” With winds calming down a bit, air attack is well underway, day and night. More fires have popped up in recent hours that threaten suburban areas. So having every possible asset working to the maximum of its ability is critical. Sadly, that wont be the case for one of the Super Scoopers. So, please people leave your drones at home during the massive, catastrophic fire that thousands are putting their lives on the line trying to contain. Update 12:35 AM Eastern An image emerged of the hole caused by the drone strike. PHOTO: Firefighting aircraft damaged after colliding with drone over the Palisades Fire in Los Angeles, California.The plane landed safety and is grounded because of the damage. Officials are investigating. pic.twitter.com/UDAjalGyxR— AZ Intel (@AZ_Intel_) January 10, 2025 Flight tracking data shows the numerous passes the aircraft made over the fire. Track of the plane that got hit, registration C-GQBE. Unknown when it was hit, but very likely was one of the last passes as I cant imagine them doing more passes after a drone collision like that. Likely happened around 14:30LQUE245 #C06F07 C-GQBE https://t.co/wHTnqZVY23 pic.twitter.com/8P4a7tDsWn— TieDye Intel (@TieDyeIntel) January 10, 2025 Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com The post One Of Just Two CL-415 Super Scooper Planes Taken Out Of Palisades Fire Fight By Drone appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, News & Features] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 5:28pm
The Biden administration today announced its last Presidential Drawdown Authority aid to Ukraine before Donald Trump becomes president. It is a $500 million package that includes AIM-7 Sparrows and RIM-7 Sea Sparrows, missiles for so-called FrankenSam air defense systems, and AIM-9M Sidewinders, as well as air-to-ground munitions, support equipment for the dozens of donated F-16s, the vast majority of which have still not arrived, and armored bridging systems among other items. The Pentagon declined to provide us with details about what variant of air-to-ground munitions or what kind of support equipment for F-16s, which the U.S. has not supplied but allowed several nations to provide their own Vipers to Ukraine. One of the first official images of an F-16 in Ukraine, configured for an air defense mission. (Ukrainian MoD screencap) This PDA, which provides Ukraine with equipment from U.S. stocks, also included armored bridging systems, secure communications equipment, small arms and ammunition, spare parts, ancillary equipment, services, training, and transportation. It leaves a little more than $4 billion in PDA authorizations for the incoming Trump administration to decide what to do with, Pentagon Deputy Press Secretary Sabrina Singh told reporters, including from The War Zone, on Wednesday. She blamed the 2023 budget impasse for the Biden administration’s inability to provide the full mandate of PDA donations to Ukraine. Asked about whether the Pentagon is concerned that funding for Ukraine could dry up under the Trump administration, Singh noted bipartisan Congressional support for Kyiv. Since taking office, the Biden administration has committed more than $66.5 billion in security assistance to Ukraine, according to the latest Pentagon statistics. In addition to the aforementioned air defense capabilities, that funding has provided Ukraine with a wide array of arms including shoulder-launched Javelin anti-tank weapons, Abrams tanks, drones like the Phoenix Ghost family of loitering munitions and Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS) now being used against targets in Russia. US Army There were other donations announced today. The U.K. Defense Ministry (MoD) announced Ukraine will receive 30,000 drones worth $55 million as part of the drone capability coalition. “The Drone Capability Coalition supports Ukraine with uncrewed surveillance and attack capabilities,” the MoD announced. “Funding for the new 30,000 drones comes from the U.K., Denmark, Netherlands, Latvia and Sweden.” "The United Kingdom will provide Ukraine with 30,000 FPV drones worth $55 million as part of the drone coalition." the UK Ministry of Defense. pic.twitter.com/nzA3d5ENBX— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated) January 9, 2025 Meanwhile, Canada announced $305 million (440 million Canadian) in military assistance to Ukraine, according to the  Ukrainian MoD.  “The announcement includes the contribution of $200 million to the Czech ammunition initiative and a $100 million donation to the Danish Model to support the production of military drones by Ukraine’s defense industry,” the MoD explained. Today, Canada announced $440 million in military assistance to Ukraine.The announcement includes the contribution of $200 million to the Czech ammunition initiative and a $100 million donation to the Danish Model to support the production of military drones by Ukraine’s defense… pic.twitter.com/mT6ovOuW4V— Defense of Ukraine (@DefenceU) January 9, 2025 As Ukraine continues to lose territory, troops, and equipment, the future of its international military support was laid out Thursday during the 25th meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group (USCG). It was held in Ramstein, Germany, against the backdrop of a looming change in the White House, something top of mind among many of the roughly 50 UDCG member nations. While it is the last one for the Biden administration, Zelensky suggested a new meeting could take place in February. Zelensky: Ukraine will have additional air defense systems. "We don’t yet have all 19 systems, but partners have guaranteed a significant number."He also confirmed the next Ramstein meeting is set for February: "The location isn’t critical—what matters are the key decisions… pic.twitter.com/TeNFBzL7nt— NOELREPORTS (@NOELreports) January 9, 2025 In a joint statement issued earlier this morning, the U.S. and 14 other nations pledged to continue seeking ways to provide Ukraine with air force, armor, artillery, de-mining, drone, integrated air and missile defense, information technology, and maritime security capabilities for at least two more years. Over the course of its existence, the UDGC organized separate teams to support each of those functions. All told the U.S. and its allies have provided more than $126 billion in security assistance to Kyiv since Russias all-out invasion. U.S. Defense Department “These documents, jointly developed and agreed upon by Ukraine and its partners, will serve as a foundation for sustaining support and allocating aid in these areas,” Ukrainian Defense Minister Rostem Umerov stated on Facebook Thursday.  Began my work in another meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group.Held an important discussion with @SecDef Lloyd Austin to prepare for the session and address key areas of cooperation.Today, coalition leaders are approving roadmaps for each of the eight areas of… pic.twitter.com/Zk9ps9Mon1— Rustem Umerov (@rustem_umerov) January 9, 2025 Shortly after Russia launched its February 2022 invasion, U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin created the UDCG. Today, during a press briefing, he noted that Russia has seen a tremendous number of its troops killed and wounded fighting Ukraine in no small measure due to allied support. Russia has suffered more than 700,000 casualties in Ukraine. Now thats more than Moscow has endured in all of its conflicts since World War Two, he said. In what is likely one of his last press conferences, Austin also called for continuing support for Ukraine with a veiled nod to Trump. Russian President Vladimir “Putin wants a world where empire tramples sovereignty, a world where conquest trumps human rights, a world where tyranny bulldozes democracy,” he told reporters. “Every autocrat on Earth is watching to see whether Putin gets away with it, and so this coalition must continue to stand four-square with Ukraine and to strengthen Ukraines hand for the negotiations that will someday bring Putins monstrous war to a close. Now that road is challenging, but all the alternatives are far worse. No responsible leader would let Putin have his way.” LIVE: @SecDef Lloyd J. Austin III Holds Briefing on UDCG https://t.co/GmSKCCTPe1— Department of Defense (@DeptofDefense) January 9, 2025 Even before taking office, Trump has cast his shadow over future U.S. relations with Ukraine. While it is still unknown what his approach will be, his choice as peace envoy to Kyiv offered yet another hint about what that could look like. Trump wants to broker a peace deal within 100 days of being inaugurated, retired Army Lt. Gen. Keith Kellogg told Fox News on Wednesday. People need to understand, hes not trying to give something to Putin or to the Russians,” Kellogg posited. “Hes actually trying to save Ukraine and save their sovereignty. Trump is "not trying to give anything to Putin or the Russians" but is "trying to save Ukraine and preserve its sovereignty," the president-elects special envoy Keith Kellogg said on Fox News."And hes going to make sure that its fair and that its honest. And hes said that… https://t.co/YROuemooEg pic.twitter.com/H5hMZbPMPb— Anton Gerashchenko (@Gerashchenko_en) January 9, 2025 Until a peace deal is brokered however, Ukraine will have to fight on with or without U.S. aid. The Latest Before the UDGC meeting, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky told reporters he is working to end the war on acceptable terms, but did not say what those were. He has previously floated a 10-point plan that includes, among other things, the withdrawal of all Russian troops from Ukrainian territory and cessation of hostilities, restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity, punishing Russia for war crimes, and release of all prisoners and deportees. “I do everything I can to end this war with dignity for Ukraine and all of Europe this year, and I know I can count on your support,” he said. Putin, on the other hand, does not want peace, Zelensky argued, pointing to the introduction of some 12,000 North Korean troops to the battlefield as a prime example. “Putin is not just holding on to his investments in aggression. He is doubling down. Hes even started basically hiring soldiers from North Korea to keep this war going,” Zelensky argued. “North Korea studies modern warfare. They do not value their people, and we know it. They lose them 4,000 as [of] today, but Pyongyang gets experience, cheap, to re-export the war, maybe there in the Pacific. At the same time, this collusion with North Korea shows Putins weakness, because no ruler in Moscow would ever allow themselves to beg in Pyongyang unless facing critical problems.” 1/4,000 North Korean troops killed or wounded fighting against Ukraine, Zelensky claims.North Korean troops fighting alongside Russian forces against Ukraine have suffered 4,000 casualties, including both wounded and killed, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky claimed on…— Lew Anno Suport#Israel #Ukraine 24/2-22 (@anno1540) January 9, 2025 Defeating Putin is not just in the interest of Ukraine, Zelensky avowed, hinting without proof that last fall’s drone incursions over U.S. bases in Europe might have a Russian connection. “Now we see all the reports with [suspected Russian severing of] underwater cables in the Baltic Sea, and we all see drone incidents in some countries that are raising serious concerns. We see debilitation in Africa, which threatens Europe with new migration waves, and we are also learning more about how Russian intelligence paid militants in Afghanistan to target coalition soldiers…Moscow cashed in to kill your soldiers, American soldiers, NATO country soldiers. How can this be forgiven or forgotten? Russias hybrid aggression and sabotage in the entire Western world is ongoing, and only by keeping and strengthening our cooperation, by boosting our agreements and coalitions, can truly protect the normal lives of people in all our countries.” It will strengthen security programs. We see reports about underwater cables in the Baltic Sea, drone incidents in some countries raising serious concerns, and destabilization in Africa threatening Europe with new migration waves.— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) January 9, 2025 Earlier on Thursday, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) issued a report suggesting that failure to support Ukraine in the future would cost the U.S. nearly a trillion dollars over the next five years. “We conclude that maintaining security in a strategic environment in which Russia is victorious over Ukraine could cost the United States an additional $808 billion in defense spending over five years,” AEI suggested. “These resources would be required on top of the currently planned defense budget over that same period and would be used to build the defense capacity, capability, and posture to provide for American security and meet current commitments to NATO in the new, more dangerous strategic environment.” The assessment, however, is based on the assumption that the U.S. ends support for Ukraine and NATO allies fail to close the gap. It is questionable at this point whether either of those developments come to pass, especially given the joint statement of support issued today. JUST RELEASED: A detailed budgetary projection and analysis from AEIs Elaine McCusker and Fred Kagan finds that the aid the US currently provides to Ukraine would be dwarfed by the costs of a victorious Russia.It would cost the US $808 billion over 5 years if Ukraine loses. pic.twitter.com/AW9M3IsamQ— American Enterprise Institute (@AEI) January 9, 2025 Zelensky also justified his August invasion of Russias Kursk region. Its one of our wins, I think, one of the biggest wins, not just last year, but throughout the war, he told reporters ahead of Thursdays UDCG meeting. Russia had to pull almost 60,000 troops of the Ukrainian Front to deal with it. And as of this Monday, its been five months since our troops have maintained a buffer zone on Russian territory. A recently launched new Ukrainian offensive there has so far achieved little. Russian forces recently advanced in the Ukrainian salient in Kursk Oblast amid continued offensive operations in the area on January 8, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) wrote in its latest assessment. Geolocated footage published on January 8 indicates that Russian forces advanced into western Nikolaevka (northwest of Sudzha) and marginally advanced in Makhnovka (southeast of Sudzha). Ukraines Special Operations Forces (SSO) reported on January 8 that Ukrainian forces repelled a Russian roughly reinforced platoon-sized mechanized assault in an unspecified area in Kursk Oblast. The fighting there is fierce, as you can see in the following videos. More footage of forces counterattacking in Nikolaevka, Kursk Oblast, incl. the tank from 17th Brigade seen below plus troops from 22nd Mech Brigades 1st Battalion clearing positions reportedly occupied by N. Korean troops.https://t.co/fxfR2X0tldhttps://t.co/p6PsedXJ45 pic.twitter.com/8TKmM3lHN5— John Hardie (@JohnH105) January 9, 2025 Fierce battles rage in #Kursk. Ukrainian forces repel a massive Russian assault, destroying 50 units of Russias equipment, including tanks, IFVs, APCs, and buggies. pic.twitter.com/PbLTm8YAn5— Iuliia Mendel (@IuliiaMendel) January 9, 2025 Russian BM-21 Grad MLRS destroyed by FPV drone strike on the Kursk front. https://t.co/JfUthqE666 pic.twitter.com/rI1Fr8o2va— Special Kherson Cat (@bayraktar_1love) January 9, 2025 North Korea reportedly lost about 400 troops in one assault there. Forbes: Up to 400 Russo-North Korean troops lost in single attack on Ukrainian positions in Kursk OblastA combined force of Russian paratroopers and North Korean infantry sustained devastating losses assaulting the contested Makhnovka village.https://t.co/VBzmsQlmL2via… pic.twitter.com/2DnAlPx70G— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) January 9, 2025 The reported recovery of a Russian Azart radio, a drone detector, and a smartphone from a North Korean soldier killed in Kursk by Ukraines 8th SSO Regiment suggests they were more prepared than initially thought.  “The Azart radio is interesting given that many Russian soldiers still dont even have these, relying instead on commercially available radios,” noted John Hardie, deputy director of the Russia program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (@FDD). “Whereas Ukrainian troops and video footage initially suggested the DPRK troops were unprepared for the drone threat, the drone detector suggests sensitivity to that threat.”  A Russian Azart radio, a drone detector, and a smartphone reportedly recovered from a killed North Korean soldier (possibly an officer) in Kursk Oblast by personnel from Ukraines 8th SSO Regiment (first photo). Some thoughts:The Azart radio is interesting given that many… pic.twitter.com/kse3dXE9Py— John Hardie (@JohnH105) January 8, 2025 Even a major chicken processing plant in Kursk wasnt spared. The Ukrainian Armed Forces attacked the Cherkizovo Chicken Kingdom production facility with drones, and one person was injured, the independent Russian Astra news outlet reported on Telegram. The air defense shot down all targets, but the drones debris fell on the territory, causing a fire. AFU attacked "Cherkizovo Chicken Kingdom" in the Kursk region with drones — a large poultry production facility. According to Russians, air defense shot down all the targets, but the debris fell on the territory and a strong fire started. pic.twitter.com/uiCcLK7RVB— MAKS 24 (@Maks_NAFO_FELLA) January 9, 2025 Elsewhere on the battlefield, Russia made some small advances in the Donetsk region, but the frontlines remained largely stagnant in most other places. Here are some key takeaways from the latest ISW assessment: Kharkiv: Russian forces continued limited ground attacks northeast of Kharkiv City near Vovchansk and Tykhe on January 7 and 8 but did not make any confirmed advances. Luhansk: Russian forces continued offensive operations in the Kupyansk, Borova and Lyman directions on January 8 but did not make any confirmed advances. Donetsk: Russian forces recently marginally advanced in northern and northwestern Toretsk, toward Kurakhove and Pokrovsk, but did not make any confirmed advances toward Bilohorivka (northeast of Siversk) or Chasiv Yar. Zaporizhzhia: Russian forces continued offensive operations in western Zaporizhia Oblast on January 8 but did not make any confirmed advances.  Kherson: Russian forces continued assaults in the Dnipro River direction, including near Kozatskyi Island (northeast of Kherson City near Nova Kakhovka) and Velykyi Potomkin Island (south of Kherson City) on January 7 and 8 but did not make any confirmed advances in the area. NEW: Ukrainian forces struck Russias state-owned Kombinat Kristal oil storage facility near Engels, Saratov Oblast on the night of January 7 to 8.Russian forces advanced in Kursk Oblast, in Toretsk, and near Kurakhove. (1/3) pic.twitter.com/Cg1HjJ9DAD— Institute for the Study of War (@TheStudyofWar) January 8, 2025 On a positive note for Ukraine, despite the continuing Russian assaults, the loss of territory slowed down in December. As of the end of December 2024, Russia occupied 18.14% (+0.07%) of Ukraine, including Crimea and the areas of Donetsk and Luhansk occupied before 2022, the @War_Mapper open source intelligence group claimed on Twitter. This represents a net gain by Russia of approximately 408 square kilometers (nearly 253 square miles) over the month. This month’s update from @War_Mapper on control of territory in the #Ukraine war. The month-on-month increase in Russian territorial gains in the 2nd half of 2024 was halted in December. https://t.co/BcLwlXdDSy— Mick Ryan, AM (@WarintheFuture) January 8, 2025 A Russian attack on the southern Ukrainian city of Zaporizhzhia using two FAB-500 glide bombs equipped with unified gliding and correction modules killed at least 13 and wounded at least 120, according to Ukrainian officials. There is nothing more cruel than launching aerial bombs on a city, knowing that ordinary civilians will suffer, Zelensky said on Twitter. Russia must be put under pressure for its terror. The protection of lives in Ukraine must be supported. Russians struck Zaporizhzhia with aerial bombs. It was a deliberate strike on the city. As of now, dozens of people are reported wounded. All are receiving the necessary assistance. Tragically, we know of 13 people killed. My condolences to their families and loved ones.… pic.twitter.com/9FiuaqqsZ3— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) January 8, 2025 A fuel depot supporting Engels Air Base in Russia continues to burn more than a day after it was struck by Ukrainian drones. “Rospotrebnadzor did not find air pollution in Engels during a fire at an oil depot after a drone attack,” the Russian 77 Telegram channel reported. “Residents complain of smog. The oil depot itself has not been extinguished for more than a day.” While Ukraine took credit for the attack with domestically produced drones, it didn’t say what kind. On Thursday, the Russian SHOT media outlet claimed they were Beaver drones, or Bober as they are called in Ukrainian. The fuel depot supports Engels Air Base, located about 300 miles east of the border. Its home of the 22nd Heavy Bomber Aviation Division and its Tu-22M3 Backfire-C, Tu-95MS Bear-H, and Tu-160M Blackjack bombers that are among those launching frequent attacks on Ukraine.  In Engels, Russia, at the oil depot hit by Ukrainian drones the situation is deteriorating. The fire continues and has reportedly spread to other tanks. pic.twitter.com/4EIDy3jbaP— NOELREPORTS (@NOELreports) January 9, 2025 Showing another example of drone-on-drone warfare, a Ukrainian drone was seen on video destroying Russian SuperCam and Zala drones. -1 SuperCam and -1 ZaLa pic.twitter.com/ofVsP7pyqx— ??? ???? ????????△ (@TheDeadDistrict) January 8, 2025 With both sides possessing robust air defenses, pilots of all types of airframes resort to flying low to avoid being picked up on enemy radar. Such is the case of these Mi-24 Hind gunships. The nose camera of one of those Hinds captured the two-flight zipping just above a highway toward the frontlines, which you can see in the following intense video clip. Remarkable mission footage from a nose-mounted 360 camera on a Ukrainian Army Aviation Mi-24 Hind gunship. The two-ship flight of Hinds can be seen tearing over eastern Ukraine at low level, following a motorway to the frontline. pic.twitter.com/vNwAYnmBNR— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) January 9, 2025 And finally, the Russian Defense Ministry (MoD) offered a rare glimpse into how it fashions homemade armored vehicles for its troops fighting toward Pokrovsk in the Donetsk region. The troops in the following video are seen welding additional armor to trucks and buggies in another Mad Maxian battlefield adaptation. The Russian MoD releases footage of a Russian construction and repair site of homemade armored trucks and buggies for assault units by repairmen of the Center group in the Pokrovsk direction.You read it right. Homemade armored trucks and buggies for assault units. pic.twitter.com/8fEL6RBOie— NOELREPORTS (@NOELreports) January 6, 2025 Thats it for now. Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com The post Biden Puts Forward Final Ukraine Military Aid Package Of His Administration appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Around The Globe, Europe, Russia, Ukraine] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 4:59pm
The U.S. Navy has long eyed a return to a cavernous former Royal Norwegian Navy base that could serve as a convenient support point for submarine operations in the Arctic. But if and when American boats will ever be able to return to the Cold War-era Olavsvern complex remains to be seen.  Olavsvern appeared poised to return to operations in late 2020, when Norway’s state broadcaster NRK first reported that the complex could again be used by American submarines, and that U.S. military officials had made multiple visits to the site in anticipation of a new lease deal. But U.S. and Norwegian officials told TWZ this week that, to date, such plans have not materialized. While officials have not provided the precise reasons for the stall, it’s been years since an American submarine has used the facility, with U.S. 6th Fleet telling TWZ that a sub last visited the installation in 2009. The Olavsvern complex is nestled in a Norwegian fjord. (WilNor Governmental Services) The complex would appear to offer several advantages for U.S. forces headed into the Arctic. Nestled in the nation’s fjords near the Norwegian Sea, and built under a mountain, the once-secretive Olavsvern base would provide America’s silent service with a prime port location for facilitating patrols in the nearby Barents Sea and Arctic region, waters heavily trafficked by the Russian fleet. Such hardened facilities are complicated and very expensive to build, and portions of the complex sit beneath nearly 900 feet of rock. Norways Olavsvern military complex. (Google Maps) “We’d like to go back there,” a U.S. defense official told TWZ on condition of anonymity to discuss private deliberations. “The location speaks for itself.” Submarine caves are rarer than they once were during the Cold War, but some are still in use around the globe today, including much more modern and elaborate facilities. China has a massive submarine cave that is capable of housing nuclear submarines at the Yulin Naval Base on the South China Seas Hainan Island, for instance. Go here to read more about what we know of the complex. How long it might actually take for the U.S. Navy to restart operations there, and what alterations would be required to support nuclear submarines, remains unclear. Images suggest that Americas submarines could not fit into the complexs submarine tunnels, but deep-sea quays for larger vessels, including nuclear subs, sit on the outside of Olavsvern, according to the Arctic Institute, a nonprofit American think tank. Questions also remain about what kind of servicing would be offered to American boats there. Beyond a quick resupply port call or relatively minor fixes, nuclear submarines require extensive support infrastructure. One of the waterways inside Norways Olavsvern complex. (WilNor Governmental Services) Geography aside, past TWZ reporting from when a new deal appeared close to completion showcased other aspects of Olavsvern that could make it an ideal U.S. submarine hub in the region. It features 32,000 square feet of deep-water docking space, including a dock for maintenance, and the subterranean areas are accessed via a large blast door and 3,000-foot-long entrance tunnel.  The entire base covers 270,000 square feet. Olavsvern also has barracks, hardened storage areas, and other maintenance facilities above and below the surface. The French Aquitaine class frigate Normandie (D-651) during a port call at the Olavsvern complex. (WilNor Governmental Services) Olavsvern began as a military fuel depot in the early 1950s and cost $450 million to build over four decades, mostly financed by NATO, according to the think tank, with a massive, hydraulic steel gate installed at the mountain basin’s entrance in the late 1960s, as well as fresh water supplies, a power plant, and ventilation. Submarines and fast patrol boats were brought into the mountain basin for maintenance and repair during the Cold War, according to the Arctic Institute. An ammunition storage area the Olavsvern complex in Norway. (WilNor Governmental Services) “The base complex soon became an important center for national and Allied exercises and winter training,” the institute says in a history of the complex. “Olavsvern was also utilized for a significant number of port calls by Allied submarines enroute to and from the High North,” the history continues. “A Norwegian submarine was always kept on 24 hour readiness in the mountain basin, with one submarine always at sea.” The French Aquitaine class frigate Normandie (D-651) during a port call at the Olavsvern complex. (WilNor Government Services) Continued U.S. Navy interest in the facility comes as Russia has expanded its regional operations in recent years. Across Russias Arctic territory, this has included an increase in submarine activity and the expansion of its northernmost Arctic base, along with notable physical expansion of a constellation of air and other bases across Russia’s territory in the far north.  The Barents Sea is a critical transit point for Russian submarines and other warships heading from their bases in the northwestern part of the country toward the Atlantic via the so-called Greenland, Iceland, United Kingdom (GIUK) gap. While 6th Fleet officials said the command continues to work with Oslo to explore using Olavsvern “in ways that would benefit both our shared security and the local community,” NRK has in the past reported on local concerns about safety risks from having nuclear-powered subs in the area.  A tunnel in the Olavsvern complex, Norway. (WilNor Governmental Services) The Norwegian Ministry of Defense sold the base to a private group in 2013, and ministry officials told TWZ that, “as of today, there are no concrete plans to expand the military use of facilities at Olavsvern.” Olavsvern is currently held by military logistics services provider WilNor Governmental Services, and the base is primarily used for annual winter training by the Dutch Marine Corps, the firm’s CEO, Vidar Hole, told TWZ Thursday. But Hole said WilNor wants to once again make Olavsvern a logistics hub and High North forward operating base, as it was during the Cold War. Dutch Marines used the Olavsvern complex in Norway for annual winter training. (WilNor Governmental Services) The last military commanding officer of the base before it was sold relayed that nuclear-powered subs made more than 150 port calls there over the years, according to Hole. “The infrastructure for receiving SSNs and their crews is intact and in good working condition,” he said. “The technical status of the base, including submarine compliant port infrastructure, has been documented thoroughly by various allied site surveys as well as by a commercial surveying company.” But before Olavsvern could ever once again accommodate nuclear subs, the firm requires approval from Norwegian radiation authorities, Hole said.  “We have earlier requested the MoDo assistance to initiate this process,” he said. “Regrettably, we do not have clarity on if and when they will accommodate our request.” Norwegian MOD officials did not answer a TWZ query regarding that request by deadline. Hole said the base has hosted several U.S. senators and U.S. embassy staff, with a bipartisan group of senators visiting the nearby city of Tromsø in 2023. Outside Olavsvern, the U.S. submarine force has in recent years conducted several port visits in nearby Grøtsund harbor, north of the nearby city of  Tromsø, which “accommodates U.S. submarines very well,” 6th Fleet officials said. The Virginia class attack submarine USS New Mexico (SSN-779) visited in May 2021. The Virginia class attack submarine USS New Mexico (SSN-779) visited Norway in 2021. (U.S. Navy) The Ohio class guided-missile submarine USS Florida (SSGN-728) made its own visit there in September 2023, and the secretive attack submarine USS Seawolf (SSN-575) also made a high-profile visit to the area in 2020.  The attack submarine USS Seawolf (SSN-21). (U.S. Navy) While Olavsvern was sold as part of the post-Cold War drawdown undertaken by Western militaries after the fall of the Soviet Union, Norway has seen “a significant increase” in the number of visits by American, British and French submarines since Russia annexed the Ukraine’s Crimea region in 2014, according to the Arctic Institute. “According to the Norwegian Radiation and Nuclear Safety Authority (DSA), the number of visits has increased from 10-15 to 30-40 visits per year (except for 2020, when the number of port calls was fewer),” the institute states in its history of Olavsvern. As NATO members in Europe surge defense spending and capabilities in the face of Russia’s war in Ukraine and continued saber-rattling against the West, it remains unclear if or when Olavsvern will ever be dragooned into the effort, and whether its expansive and fortified capabilities will ever once again be utilized to counter Moscow in the Arctic. Either way, American and NATO submarines will undoubtedly continue to work to expand their operations and influence in the increasingly critical region. Contact the author: geoff@twz.com The post U.S. Navy Still Wants To Operate Out Of This Norwegian Submarine Cave, But A Deal Remains Elusive appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Around The Globe, Boomers (SSBNs), Europe, Navies, Northern Europe, Norwegian Navy, Nuclear Attack Submarines (SSNs), Nuclear Guided Missile Submarines (SSGNs), Ohio Class (SSGN variant), Russia, Sea, Seawolf Class, Submarines, U.S. Navy, Virginia Class] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 3:38pm
Sweden is buying 44 German-made Leopard 2A8 tanks, in addition to upgrading 66 of its older models to the same standard, continuing a period of military investment for the Scandinavian country, which joined NATO last year. The decision adds another customer to a growing list of Leopard 2A8 operators, which also notably includes fellow NATO members Lithuania and Norway, also in the strategically critical Baltic region. The plans were announced today by the Swedish Defense Materiel Administration (FMV), responsible for procuring weapons for the country’s armed forces. The 44 Leopard 2A8s being purchased as new will receive the Swedish designation Stridsvagn 123B. Sweden’s 66 existing Stridsvagn 122 tanks (equivalent to the Leopard 2A5) will emerge as Stridsvagn 123A vehicles once modernized. A Leopard 2A8 tank. KNDS Deutschland Together, the two contracts are worth almost 20 billion Swedish Krona — around $1.8 billion. Built by KNDS Deutschland (formerly Krauss-Maffei Wegmann), the modernized tanks are scheduled for delivery between 2027 and 2030, while the 44 newly manufactured tanks will be delivered from 2028 to 2031. When plans to modernize the Stridsvagn 122 were first announced, it was said that the upgraded vehicles would serve “at least into the 2030s.” “The Stridsvagn 123A and 123B will be among the absolute most modern tanks in the world,” Göran Mårtensson, the director of the FMV, said in a statement. “Compared to Stridsvagn 122, it is basically a completely new tank, although they may look similar on the outside.” The Leopard 2A5, which was introduced in the mid-1990s, is armed with a 120mm/L44 smoothbore main gun, which was superseded in later versions, including the Leopard 2A8, with a longer-barrel 120mm/L55 gun. The Leopard 2A5 primarily differed from earlier models in having additional armor protection on the turret and the hull. Swedish Stridsvagn 122 tanks during the Strong Europe Tank Challenge at the Grafenwoehr Training Area, Germany, in 2018. U.S. Army photo by Christoph Koppers Christoph Koppers Overall, the Leopard 2A8 is broadly similar in many respects to the Leopard 2A7V, in use since 2014, which features an air-conditioning system, advanced optronics, and programmable ammunition. While the Leopard 2A8 retains the same engine, transmission, and main gun as the Leopard 2A7V, it features additional defensive measures, including the latest version of the Israeli-made Rafael Trophy active standoff protection system, which you can read more about here. The promotional video below from Trophy’s manufacturer Rafael offers a good general overview of how the system functions: You can read more about the differences between Leopard 2 variants here. Sweden originally acquired 120 Stridsvagn 122 tanks in the mid-1990s. These have since received modest upgrades and 10 of them have been provided to Ukraine. The new Swedish tank orders are, in part, intended to compensate for the transfers to Ukraine. A similar program of backfilling is also replacing artillery pieces, combat vehicles, naval craft, ammunition, and anti-tank weapons that Sweden has also donated to Ukraine. However, building up the Swedish Armed Forces’ tank branch is a lot more than that, with an increase in overall numbers as well as capabilities, part of a new posture that has been developed in line with NATO membership and the resurgent military threat from Russia. In 2013, for example, before Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Sweden’s active tank fleet had been reduced to just 42 Stridsvagn 122s, with tanks being rotated in and out of storage to reduce wear and tear. By 2015, Sweden had decided to field an additional tank company on the island of Gotland, which occupies a strategic position in the Baltic, and which had been highly militarized during the Cold War. An armored training exercise on Gotland in 2021 marked the first time that tanks had been on the island for 20 years. Meanwhile, tank numbers overall have been increased, with previously stored Stridsvagn 122s returned to service. A Stridsvagn 122 during the first tank training exercise on the island of Gotland in 20 years, which took place in 2021. Swedish Ministry of Defense Once the new and upgraded tanks are in service, Sweden will have 154 tanks, compared with the 110 that are available today, according to the Swedish Armed Forces. At the same time, the choice of the Leopard 2A8 provides commonality not only with Lithuania and Norway, but also with Germany and the Netherlands, who have also ordered it, and which are also increasingly focused on land warfare operations in the Baltic region. Driven by new NATO memberships for Finland and Sweden, the value of commonality across weapons systems, for the Nordic countries in particular, is something that we have discussed in the past. As well as new and upgraded tanks, Sweden has also decided to modernize its fleet of Combat Vehicle 90 (CV90) tracked armored fighting vehicles. This work is valued at a little over 5 billion Swedish Krona (around $450 million) and is scheduled to be completed by 2030. Around 500 vehicles in the CV90 family are currently in Swedish service. A Swedish CV9040 armored infantry fighting vehicle participating in the Aurora international defense exercise, in 2017. Minnesota National Guard Staff Sgt. Anthony Housey Overall, the investments in new and improved armor are part of Sweden’s plan to increase the size of its army, including adding another four Army brigades by 2030. “This is crucial for us to be able to reach the high goals that politics has set for the Armed Forces and FMV,” Swedish Minister of Defense Pål Jonson said during a visit to the Gotland Regiment earlier this week. “These are lofty goals, but they must be lofty goals in the serious global situation we have right now,” he added. When Sweden joined NATO, it was “a direct result of Russia’s illegal, unprovoked, and indefensible war of aggression” in Ukraine, according to Sweden’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Tobias Billström, speaking last year. “We must plan and prepare for a prolonged confrontation with Russia. We must counter Russia’s expansion of power by constraining its influence, its freedom of action, and — ultimately — its ability to do harm,” Billström added. In October last year, the Swedish government confirmed plans to increase the size of its armed forces, adding around 27,000 soldiers by 2030 to provide a total of around 115,000 personnel, both professional soldiers and conscripts. A medical team of the Swedish military at the P7 military base in Revingehed, Sweden on October 24, 2024. From 2025, the P7 regiment will contribute half a battalion (about 600 soldiers and officers) to the NATO Forward Land Forces (FLF) in Latvia. Photo by Johan Nilsson/TT / TT News Agency / AFP JOHAN NILSSON/TT This expansion is being enabled by an increase in defense spending, including an additional 170 billion Swedish Krona ($16.41 billion) announced last year, on top of the normal annual budget over the coming five years. By 2028, defense spending will amount to 2.6 percent of GDP in 2028, compared to 2.2 percent in 2024. As well as new and upgraded armor, key Swedish defense procurement programs include modernization of the Swedish Navy’s five Visby class corvettes, including providing them with new air defense systems and buying three larger Luleå class corvettes. Meanwhile, the Swedish Air Force is to receive a third GlobalEye surveillance aircraft, as well as 12 UH-60M Black Hawk helicopters to add to the 15 already operated. An artist’s impression of the future Luleå class corvette. Saab As well as the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Sweden has had other causes for concern as a result of Russian military activities closer to its borders. In a notorious incident in 2013, Russian bombers simulated a nuclear attack on the capital, Stockholm, with the Swedish Air Force unable to respond. Flying across the Gulf of Finland, the Tu-22M3 Backfire bombers came within 18 to 24 miles of Swedish territory near Gotland Island, around 100 miles from Stockholm. The lack of Swedish fighters on quick reaction alert at the time became a matter of controversy and a stark reminder of a lack of preparedness for war. Instead, two Danish F-16 fighters shadowed the Russian aircraft. In 2014, there were reports of a Russian submarine operating in the shallow waters of the Stockholm archipelago, supported by five credible public sightings. The Swedish Navy abandoned efforts to find the submarine after a week, in another embarrassing incident for the armed forces. Since then, preparations for a potential war with Russia have included issuing every household, in 2018, with pamphlets titled “If crisis or war comes,” in a throwback to the days of the Cold War. A man holds the new version of the preparedness booklet “If crisis or war comes,” that was distributed to all Swedish households, in November 2024 in Stockholm, Sweden. Photo by Claudio BRESCIANI / TT News Agency / AFP CLAUDIO BRESCIANI There have also been growing concerns more widely within NATO about Russian ‘hybrid warfare,’ especially in the Baltic region. Here, there has been a spate of apparent sabotage against undersea infrastructure, specifically undersea cables, with suspicions that this may have been inspired by, if not carried out by the Kremlin. In Sweden itself, unidentified drones have been seen in the airspace over multiple nuclear power facilities, as well as in restricted airspace over Sweden’s Royal Palace. Against this backdrop, the procurement of new tanks for the Swedish Armed Forces, and the modernization of existing armor, was to be expected. In addition to providing a boost in capabilities and numbers to Sweden’s tank forces, it’s a move that further underscores the resurgence of the main battle tank after many years of force reductions within Europe. Contact the author: thomas@thedrive.com The post Sweden Buys More Leopard 2 Tanks As Part Of Major Defense Build-Up appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Land, Around The Globe, Europe, Leopard, NATO, News & Features, Russia, Tanks] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 2:03pm
The U.S. Army is looking at testing launched effects from a special missions version of the Bombardier Global 6500 bizjet. The announcement further underscores the fact that the service is looking to expand the capabilities of its High Accuracy Detection and Exploitation System (HADES) aircraft, based on the Global 6500, the first of which was delivered last November. There have long been quesations about the survivability of the HADES in more contested airspace, and adding launched effects is one way that could potentially help mitigate that. HADES is set to give the Army a new crewed fixed-wing aerial intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities. It’s expected to provide a radical overhaul compared with the Army’s existing aerial ISR platforms, flying higher, faster, and farther, and for longer periods, while carrying a bigger sensor payload. Yesterday, the Army released a Request for Information (RFI) outlining its plans for the demonstration, which it wants to take place in the Fiscal Year 26 timeframe. Launched effects, previously referred to as air-launched effects (ALEs), describes a category of various uncrewed systems that you can read more about here. The new launched effects terminology reflects the fact they might be launched from land or maritime platforms, as well as crewed and uncrewed aircraft. A Bombardier Global 6500 in the process of being converted into an Army Theater Level High-Altitude Expeditionary Next-Generation Airborne ISR-Radar (ATHENA-R) aircraft. L3Harris Since it’s an experimental effort, we don’t know for sure if the launched effects that will be tested will end up on HADES, on another Global 6500-based platform, or even on a different aircraft altogether. However, the Army says it’s looking at launched effects capabilities that will “potentially be integrated on medium/high-altitude aerial platforms that function as Aerial Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (A-ISR) aircraft.” Aside from HADES, the Army is already operating other Global 6500-based ISR assets, which could also be used in the launched effects demonstration. These include two Global 6500s converted under the Army Theater Level High-Altitude Expeditionary Next-Generation Airborne ISR-Sensor (Athena-S) effort, and another pair of Global 6500s converted under the Athena-Radar effort. There have been at least two prior indications that the Army has plans to integrate launched effects on its HADES aircraft, at least. Speaking at the handover of the first HADES aircraft at the Bombardier Defense facility in Wichita, Kansas, in a ceremony last November 26, Andrew Evans, Headquarters, Department of the Army’s (HQDA) G-2’s ISR Task Force Director confirmed that launched effects were part of the thinking for the aircraft’s development path. A group shot in front of the first HADES prototype aircraft at the Bombardier Defense facility in Wichita, Kansas, last November 26. Bombardier Asked about the possibility of integrating launched effects on HADES, Evans said: “I would say that, at the strategic level, we know we need to move in that direction. How we do that is still unknown. When we do that is still unknown, but what we know we need to do is continue to be responsive, also to the adversary’s ability to generate sensing and effects from for more extended ranges.” Evans added that the current HADES configuration “has some incredible capabilities,” but noted that it “will be even more powerful if we can extend the effects of that system, by two or three times, by launching sensors off the rail.” “We are designing the system to be able to do that,” Evans added, although he noted that “We haven’t yet determined how we will integrate that into the force.” Before this, there had been a strong suggestion that launched effects or some other kinds of potentially disposable stores were being envisaged for HADES. An official concept rendering of the aircraft, released by the Army in early 2024, showed two pylons under each of the wings, although it was not clear what kinds of stores were being carried. A low-quality conceptual image of a HADES jet, showing the underwing pylons with stores being carried. U.S. Army Daniel Baldwin By July of last year, launched effects were being talked about explicitly in relation to HADES. In a discussion with Breaking Defense about the hardpoints under the wing of HADES, Andrew Evans confirmed that these would allow the Army to add new capabilities — potentially also defensive ones — to the aircraft without any major changes to the baseline configuration. “We’re looking at that with great interest as well, right? Protecting something like this becomes very important,” Evans said at the time, adding that launched effects were one potential payload for the underwing pylons. When asked whether the pylons could also be used for some kind of offensive weapon, Evans said this was unlikely and “a little bit of a hard line for us.” Returning to the RFI, which covers a requirement specified by the Army’s Special Electronic Mission Aircraft Product Directorate of the Fixed Wing Project Office (FWPO), this calls for the launched effects to be “integrated onto the hardpoints of an all-weather, pressurized, large-sized-cabin Federal Aviation Administration FAR part 25 certified executive jet-category aircraft,” specifically the aforementioned Global 6500. Another rendering of a HADES aircraft, again with underwing stores. U.S. Army The Army wants the launched effects to be compatible with the host aircraft operating above 41,000 feet and flying faster than 400 knots for a period longer than seven hours. The launched effect systems “will be carried and deployed from pylons at the inboard or outboard wing hardpoint stations of the host aircraft in a non-pressurized environment at the host aircraft operating conditions,” the RFI states, specifying that the entire launched effect, launcher, and pylon should weigh less than 1,800 pounds for the inboard stations, and less than 600 pounds for the smaller outboard stations. Launched effects cover a wide range of sizes and capabilities and in the past, the Army has discussed a ‘large ALE’ category consisting of drones weighing no more than 225 pounds, and ideally less than 175 pounds. Meanwhile, the ‘small ALE’ category includes drones under 100 pounds, and possibly no more than 50 pounds. Its worth noting that the ALTIUS-600 drone, which the Army has used for various previous launched effects experiments, weighs between 20 and 27 pounds. An ALTIUS-600 is launched from a UH-60 Black Hawk at Yuma Proving Ground, Arizona. Courtesy photo provided by Yuma Proving Ground In the past, the Army has also issued descriptions of the kinds of performance categories that launched effects might be expected to achieve. In the ‘large’ category, the drones are envisaged as having a combat range of up to 350 kilometers (217 miles) and a total flight time of 30 minutes. However, the has also been an aspiration to increase those performance specifications to up to 650 kilometers (404 miles) and an hour of total time in the air. The ‘small’ category specifies a drone that can fly 100 kilometers (161 miles) with a total flying time of at least 30 minutes but with the goal of achieving a range of 150 kilometers (93 miles) and an hour of flight time. When it comes to deploying the launched effects, the host aircraft should not have to perform any specific maneuvers but instead deploy them while in normal cruise configuration. Different launch mechanisms are mentioned in the RFI, comprising gravity or pneumatic separation, rocket/turbojet ignition, and drag chute, with the potential for other options, too. U.S. Army personnel launch an ALTIUS-600 from a DAGOR ultra-light vehicle, using a pneumatic launcher, during an exercise. U.S. Army Few details are provided of what kinds of payloads or functions the launched effects should have, although interested companies are requested to provide information on what intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance integration companies they have worked with. This suggests that an expansion of the host aircraft’s ISR capabilities is the primary interest at this point, although that doesn’t necessarily rule out defensive aids, as Evans previously alluded to. Another important aspect of the RFI seeks for companies to specify the additional equipment required onboard the host aircraft to control and communicate with the launched effect. Among others, the Army anticipates that this could include radio-frequency and/or laser datalinks, data processing equipment, command and control hardware, and antennas. Looking at putting launched effects on HADES is likely driven, at least in part, by concerns about the survivability of the crewed aircraft, especially in the types of high-end conflict that could be fought in the future against a near-peer adversary. While HADES offers a notable performance advantage over the varied fleet of turboprop ISR platforms that it’s set to supersede, it is very far from stealthy. Even with the improved capabilities of its sensors, it may very well have to get within range of longer-range air defense systems to gather intelligence. It’s for this reason that HADES will be integrated within a broader ISR architecture, in the form of a family of systems known as the Multi-Domain Sensing System (MDSS). This is expected to include various uncrewed platforms, including high-altitude glider-like drones and balloons designed to operate in the upper stratosphere. A graphic the Army previously released showing a notional “operational view” (OV) for how its planned MDSS system of systems, including crewed ISR aircraft, might be employed in conjunction with other assets. U.S. Army Launched effects, delivered off the wing of HADES, could be set to become another part of that ecosystem, or a valuable adjunct to it. As for the Army’s broader launched effects efforts, these are becoming ever more ambitious, with drones launched from crewed and uncrewed aerial platforms as well as from the ground. An older but nonetheless interesting graphic showing how various types of air-launched effects delivered from various platforms could be employed on a future battlefield. U.S. Army In fact, testing launched effects from crewed ISR aircraft is not entirely new for the Army. The ALTIUS-600 drone has been tested from a C-12 aircraft with a launch system installed inside a “wing locker.” Various companies offer wing lockers as general storage systems that are installed over the wings behind the engine nacelles on these aircraft. An RC-12X Guardrail Common Sensor (GRCS) aircraft. The Army has previously explored delivering launched effects from C-12 series aircraft. U.S. Army Meanwhile, multiple drones have also been flown in networked ‘interactive’ sorties, demonstrating their potential for ‘swarming,’ all while under the control of a single operator, as you can read more about here. In tests like these, launched effects carrying various sensing equipment have been used to gather information about simulated enemy positions. The resulting reconnaissance and targeting data is then fed back to crewed aircraft, ground troops, and to subsequent waves of drones through a mesh tactical network. Even without the possibility of swarming and meshed networks, it’s easy to imagine how launched effects from one or more HADES aircraft could be very valuable. Flying deeper into enemy territory, they could provide operators on the aircraft (and elsewhere) with vital information, including on potential targets for strikes. Used in this way, launched effects could be fitted with nose-mounted cameras, infrared sensors, or electronic surveillance payloads that can detect signals emissions. Launched effects could significantly expand the surveillance size, in terms of the area covered by HADES, while at the same time bringing a wider array of intelligence capabilities, over and above those baseline sensors included in the host airframe. Maybe above all else, they could allow for the HADES aircraft to extend its collection of certain types of intelligence while staying well out of the range of enemy air defenses. An earlier Army video depicts different kinds of mission profiles for launched effects: While the Army seems to have ruled out attack payloads for HADES for now, launched effects configured as electronic attackers, or as decoys could also be part of the equation. Indeed, a major role for the launched effects for other platforms will be stand-in jamming, which could also be beneficial in terms of providing additional measure of survival for HADES in certain scenarios. With a demonstration planned for Fiscal Year 26, we’ll have to wait a while longer to learn more about the kinds of launched effects that the Army wants to test and the broader aspirations of putting these kinds of drones on bizjet-derived crewed ISR platforms. In the meantime, the latest RFI underscores the Army’s ambition to add launched effects to platforms in this category, something that could be fundamental for their survivability in future conflicts. Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com The post Army Wants To Test Air-Launched Drones From A Global Express Business Jet appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, Airborne Sensors, Armies, Drones, Land, Manned ISR, News & Features, U.S. Army, Unmanned] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 12:04pm
The U.S. Navys Ohio class guided missile submarine USS Michigan made notable use of uncrewed underwater vehicles (UUV) in the course of operations between October 2022 and January 2024 it has emerged. During that time, the boat and its crew completed at least three secretive national security missions, as well as ones involving special operations forces, in hostile and challenging environments. As TWZ has explored in detail in the past, the extremely in-demand Ohio class guided missile submarines, or SSGNs, are uniquely capable multi-mission platforms that can perform a wide variety of tasks, including covert and clandestine intelligence gathering and special operations missions, as well as launching throngs of Tomahawk cruise missiles. The Ohio class guided missile submarine USS Michigan seen during a stopover in Okaiwan, Japan in November 2022. USN Details about Michigans activities between 2022 and 2024 are included in a Navy Unit Commendation (NUC) awarded to the boat in December. The submarine is one of four Ohio SSGNs, which were converted from Ohio class ballistic missile submarines, or SSBNs. Ryan Chan was among the first to notice that the NUCs text was visible in a picture from the award ceremony that the Navy posted online yesterday. The Secretary of the Navy awards NUCs to Navy and Marine Corps units for outstanding heroism in action against the enemy or extremely meritorious service, not involving combat, but in support of military operations, according to an official manual. It is comparable to awarding the unit in question as a whole a Silver Star or Legion of Merit. The full text of the NUC the Navy recently awarded to Michigan is as follows: For extremely meritorious service during assigned missions from 9 October 2022 to 16 January 2024. The personnel of Michigan displayed superb operational planning and risk management and precise tactical execution. Operating in hostile and challenging environments, Michigan completed three highly successful missions vital to national security and several special warfare operations. Their achievements contributed to multiple high priority national and theater objectives and significantly enhanced warfighting readiness in the Western Pacific. Michigans performance advanced multiple naval special warfare and undersea warfare emerging capabilities as well as concepts of operations, tactics, techniques, and procedures, particularly involving the employment of unmanned undersea vehicles. By their truly distinctive achievements, demonstrated skill, and unfailing devotion to duty, the officers and enlisted personnel of USS Michigan reflected great credit upon themselves and upheld the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service. A close-up look at the text of Michigans NUC, brightened to make it easier to read. USN Navy Rear Adm. Rick Seif, Commander, Submarine Force, U.S. Pacific Fleet, holds a copy of Michigans NUC during the award ceremony at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, on Dec. 19, 2024. USN Petty Officer 1st Class Scott Barnes In Navy parlance, naval special warfare refers to special operations forces and missions. The NUC also does not say what types of UUVs Michigan employed or in what capacity. “Having Michigan in theater adds to our already deep bench of undersea warfare capabilities throughout the region,” Navy Rear Adm. Rick Seif, then head of Submarine Group Seven, part of the U.S. 7th Fleet headquartered in Japan, had said in a very generic statement about the boats deployment back in 2022. “Their presence demonstrates our continued commitment to providing maritime security and deterrence in the Indo-Pacific.” U.S. 7th Fleets area of responsibility extends from the Western Pacific to the Indian Ocean. Seif has since risen to the role of Commander, Submarine Force, U.S. Pacific Fleet. The exact array of UUVs currently available for use by Ohio SSGNs is murky, but the submarines do have the ability to deploy (and in some cases recover) various types from their torpedo tubes, as well as any of their 22 large vertical launch tubes and up to two Dry Deck Shelters (DDS) on top of the hull. The DDSs, in particular, offer the potential to employ much larger and more advanced UUVs. The boats also have the ability to launch aerial drones. Transporting a US Navy submarine Dry Deck Shelter (DDS) via a C-5 Galaxy. Six are shared by the four Ohio-class SSGNs and six designated Virginia-class boats for SEAL Delivery Vehicles (SDV), launching UUVs, launching combat rubber raiding craft (CRRC), and diver lockout. pic.twitter.com/TnQIOSXVPH— ??? ?????????? (@USN_Submariner) January 7, 2025 Each of the 22 vertical launch tubes on the Ohio SSGNs can also be loaded with seven Tomahawk land attack cruise missiles for a total load of up to 154 of those weapons. In addition, these submarines have impressive intelligence fusion and command and control capabilities to support uncrewed operations, as well as other missions. You can read more about what is known about the Ohio SSGNs in detail in this past TWZ feature. A slide from a past General Dynamics Electric Boat briefing showing how UUVs (here referred to as autonomous underwater vehicles, or AUVs) might be launched and recovered from the launch vertical launch tubes on the Ohio SSGNs. General Dynamics Electric Boat A slide from a past General Dynamics Electric Boat briefing showing how UUVs (here referred to as autonomous underwater vehicles, or AUVs) might be launched and recovered from the launch vertical launch tubes on the Ohio SSGNs. General Dynamics Electric Boat Without more details or context, we really dont know exactly what missions Michigan performed between October 2022 and January 2024 or where they occurred, but here are some example possibilities. UUVs from Michigan could well have been sent discreetly into denied or otherwise sensitive areas to gather intelligence about the disposition and capabilities of the forces of potential adversaries that would be valuable in the event an actual hot conflict breaks out. When it comes to the Pacific region, Chinese and North Korean authorities have already claimed to have seized American underwater spy drones on multiple occasions in the past 20 years or so. UUVs could be configured to investigate and potentially even recover certain objects of interest on the seabed, as well. The U.S. military and the U.S. Intelligence Community have long histories of using specialized submarines and other capabilities to retrieve materiel from below the waves, both to glean new insights into foreign capabilities and to prevent American systems from falling into hostile hands, as you can read more about here. Michigan could have also launched UUVs to help with more general intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) tasks, including just mapping areas of the seafloor in key areas to help develop highly accurate charts to support future operations. The Navy has made clear in the past that so-called Intelligence Preparation of the Operating Environment (IPOE) is a key mission set for various tiers of underwater drones. In broad terms, IPOE involves the collection of a variety of information about specific locale to help with operational planning, including for forthcoming amphibious and special operations missions. Crewed submarines, especially nuclear-powered ones and other types with very quiet advanced conventional propulsion systems, are already inherently ideal ISR platforms. The Navy does also employ UUVs for other missions, including hunting for and neutralizing mines. The service has also been publicly working to acquire larger and otherwise more capable types that could be used for mine laying, kinetic attacks against enemy surface ships and submarines, as well as targets ashore, and as electronic warfare platforms. The Navy has additional uncrewed underwater capabilities in the classified realm. A Navy briefing slide from 2018 highlighting the diversity of mission sets for different tiers of existing and planned future UUVs. USN Michigans NUC also highlights the Ohio SSGNs significant capabilities to support special operations missions. The boats have dedicated berthing space for special operators – typically a contingent of up to 66 special operations forces personnel, but with a surge capacity of up to 102 operators – as well as the ability to launch and recover swimmer delivery vehicles (SDV). The aforementioned command and control capabilities further allow the boats to function as underwater special operations headquarters nodes. Special operations forces operating from one of these submarines could go ashore to gather additional intelligence, as well as conduct direct action raids. Navy and Marine Corps Force Reconnaissance personnel seen on the deck of the guided missile submarine USS Ohio during training. The large door to the submarines Dry Deck Shelter is seen open. USN While much about what Michigan did to earn the NUC remains unknown, it does underscore the immense value of the small fleet of Ohio SSGNs offer in peacetime, as well as during actual combat operations. In addition to being some of the most in-demand vessels in the Navy today, they are also among the most coveted assignments by the services submariners. Just publicly sending one of these boats into a particular region, something the Navy has been more inclined to do in recent years, is enough to send major signals to opponents, as well as to allies and partners, far and wide. A prime example of this was Michigans arrival in the South Korean port of Busan in 2017 amid heightened geopolitical fiction on the Peninsula. Ohio SSBNs, which typically keep even out of sight during deployments, have also been increasingly making public appearances for the same reasons. The Ohio class guided missile submarine USS Michigan in Busan, South Korea, in 2017. USN www.twz.com The award of the NUC to Michigan also highlights the various missions that Ohio SSGNs would be called upon to perform in a future fight in the Pacific, especially a potential high-end one against China. Subsurface warfare, in general, would be a key aspect of any such conflict, and the U.S. and Chinese armed forces have both been very actively working to expand their abilities to detect and track submarine activity. At the same time, Michigans new award comes amid uncertainty over the exact future of the Ohio SSGNs. The Navy is working to replace its Ohio SSBNs with new Columbia class boats, but that program has been facing delays and cost growth. There are also plans for a new Large Payload Submarine, possibly based on the Columbia design, to supplant the Ohio SSGNs, but those boats are not expected to arrive until the late 2030s, at the earliest. The Navy has said in the past that the Ohio SSGNs could all be decommissioned by 2028, though it has also been looking at extending their service lives, as well as that of a number of Ohio SSBNs. Enlarged subvariants of the Virginia class attack submarine, as well as existing examples configured to support special operations missions, would help fill the gap. However, they will not provide the same capability, at least in some regards, as found on Michigan and its sister submarines, at least based on what is presently known. US Navy SEALs embarked aboard the Virginia class attack submarine USS New Mexico train in the Mediterranean Sea in 2021. USN In the meantime, the Ohio SSGNs will continue to be heavily utilized, including for the kinds of extremely demanding and secretive operations that earned Michigan the NUC award. Contact the author: joe@twz.com The post Ohio Class Guided Missile Submarine Deployed Underwater Drones On Award Winning Secret Missions appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Sea, Around The Globe, Boomers (SSBNs), China, Drones, Indo-Pacific, Navies, News & Features, Nuclear Guided Missile Submarines (SSGNs), Ohio Class, Ohio Class (SSGN variant), Special Warfare, Submarines, U.S. Navy, Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs)] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 12:04pm
The U.S. Navys Ohio class guided missile submarine USS Michigan made notable use of uncrewed underwater vehicles (UUV) in the course of operations between October 2022 and January 2024 it has emerged. During that time, the boat and its crew completed at least three secretive national security missions, as well as ones involving special operations forces, in hostile and challenging environments. As TWZ has explored in detail in the past, the extremely in-demand Ohio class guided missile submarines, or SSGNs, are uniquely capable multi-mission platforms that can perform a wide variety of tasks, including covert and clandestine intelligence gathering and special operations missions, as well as launching throngs of Tomahawk cruise missiles. The Ohio class guided missile submarine USS Michigan seen during a stopover in Okaiwan, Japan in November 2022. USN Details about Michigans activities between 2022 and 2024 are included in a Navy Unit Commendation (NUC) awarded to the boat in December. The submarine is one of four Ohio SSGNs, which were converted from Ohio class ballistic missile submarines, or SSBNs. Ryan Chan was among the first to notice that the NUCs text was visible in a picture from the award ceremony that the Navy posted online yesterday. The Secretary of the Navy awards NUCs to Navy and Marine Corps units for outstanding heroism in action against the enemy or extremely meritorious service, not involving combat, but in support of military operations, according to an official manual. It is comparable to awarding the unit in question as a whole a Silver Star or Legion of Merit. The full text of the NUC the Navy recently awarded to Michigan is as follows: For extremely meritorious service during assigned missions from 9 October 2022 to 16 January 2024. The personnel of Michigan displayed superb operational planning and risk management and precise tactical execution. Operating in hostile and challenging environments, Michigan completed three highly successful missions vital to national security and several special warfare operations. Their achievements contributed to multiple high priority national and theater objectives and significantly enhanced warfighting readiness in the Western Pacific. Michigans performance advanced multiple naval special warfare and undersea warfare emerging capabilities as well as concepts of operations, tactics, techniques, and procedures, particularly involving the employment of unmanned undersea vehicles. By their truly distinctive achievements, demonstrated skill, and unfailing devotion to duty, the officers and enlisted personnel of USS Michigan reflected great credit upon themselves and upheld the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service. A close-up look at the text of Michigans NUC, brightened to make it easier to read. USN Navy Rear Adm. Rick Seif, Commander, Submarine Force, U.S. Pacific Fleet, holds a copy of Michigans NUC during the award ceremony at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, on Dec. 19, 2024. USN Petty Officer 1st Class Scott Barnes In Navy parlance, naval special warfare refers to special operations forces and missions. The NUC also does not say what types of UUVs Michigan employed or in what capacity. “Having Michigan in theater adds to our already deep bench of undersea warfare capabilities throughout the region,” Navy Rear Adm. Rick Seif, then head of Submarine Group Seven, part of the U.S. 7th Fleet headquartered in Japan, had said in a very generic statement about the boats deployment back in 2022. “Their presence demonstrates our continued commitment to providing maritime security and deterrence in the Indo-Pacific.” U.S. 7th Fleets area of responsibility extends from the Western Pacific to the Indian Ocean. Seif has since risen to the role of Commander, Submarine Force, U.S. Pacific Fleet. The exact array of UUVs currently available for use by Ohio SSGNs is murky, but the submarines do have the ability to deploy (and in some cases recover) various types from their torpedo tubes, as well as any of their 22 large vertical launch tubes and up to two Dry Deck Shelters (DDS) on top of the hull. The DDSs, in particular, offer the potential to employ much larger and more advanced UUVs. The boats also have the ability to launch aerial drones. Transporting a US Navy submarine Dry Deck Shelter (DDS) via a C-5 Galaxy. Six are shared by the four Ohio-class SSGNs and six designated Virginia-class boats for SEAL Delivery Vehicles (SDV), launching UUVs, launching combat rubber raiding craft (CRRC), and diver lockout. pic.twitter.com/TnQIOSXVPH— ??? ?????????? (@USN_Submariner) January 7, 2025 Each of the 22 vertical launch tubes on the Ohio SSGNs can also be loaded with seven Tomahawk land attack cruise missiles for a total load of up to 154 of those weapons. In addition, these submarines have impressive intelligence fusion and command and control capabilities to support uncrewed operations, as well as other missions. You can read more about what is known about the Ohio SSGNs in detail in this past TWZ feature. A slide from a past General Dynamics Electric Boat briefing showing how UUVs (here referred to as autonomous underwater vehicles, or AUVs) might be launched and recovered from the launch vertical launch tubes on the Ohio SSGNs. General Dynamics Electric Boat A slide from a past General Dynamics Electric Boat briefing showing how UUVs (here referred to as autonomous underwater vehicles, or AUVs) might be launched and recovered from the launch vertical launch tubes on the Ohio SSGNs. General Dynamics Electric Boat Without more details or context, we really dont know exactly what missions Michigan performed between October 2022 and January 2024 or where they occurred, but here are some example possibilities. UUVs from Michigan could well have been sent discreetly into denied or otherwise sensitive areas to gather intelligence about the disposition and capabilities of the forces of potential adversaries that would be valuable in the event an actual hot conflict breaks out. When it comes to the Pacific region, Chinese and North Korean authorities have already claimed to have seized American underwater spy drones on multiple occasions in the past 20 years or so. UUVs could be configured to investigate and potentially even recover certain objects of interest on the seabed, as well. The U.S. military and the U.S. Intelligence Community have long histories of using specialized submarines and other capabilities to retrieve materiel from below the waves, both to glean new insights into foreign capabilities and to prevent American systems from falling into hostile hands, as you can read more about here. Michigan could have also launched UUVs to help with more general intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) tasks, including just mapping areas of the seafloor in key areas to help develop highly accurate charts to support future operations. The Navy has made clear in the past that so-called Intelligence Preparation of the Operating Environment (IPOE) is a key mission set for various tiers of underwater drones. In broad terms, IPOE involves the collection of a variety of information about specific locale to help with operational planning, including for forthcoming amphibious and special operations missions. Crewed submarines, especially nuclear-powered ones and other types with very quiet advanced conventional propulsion systems, are already inherently ideal ISR platforms. The Navy does also employ UUVs for other missions, including hunting for and neutralizing mines. The service has also been publicly working to acquire larger and otherwise more capable types that could be used for mine laying, kinetic attacks against enemy surface ships and submarines, as well as targets ashore, and as electronic warfare platforms. The Navy has additional uncrewed underwater capabilities in the classified realm. A Navy briefing slide from 2018 highlighting the diversity of mission sets for different tiers of existing and planned future UUVs. USN Michigans NUC also highlights the Ohio SSGNs significant capabilities to support special operations missions. The boats have dedicated berthing space for special operators – typically a contingent of up to 66 special operations forces personnel, but with a surge capacity of up to 102 operators – as well as the ability to launch and recover swimmer delivery vehicles (SDV). The aforementioned command and control capabilities further allow the boats to function as underwater special operations headquarters nodes. Special operations forces operating from one of these submarines could go ashore to gather additional intelligence, as well as conduct direct action raids. Navy and Marine Corps Force Reconnaissance personnel seen on the deck of the guided missile submarine USS Ohio during training. The large door to the submarines Dry Deck Shelter is seen open. USN While much about what Michigan did to earn the NUC remains unknown, it does underscore the immense value of the small fleet of Ohio SSGNs offer in peacetime, as well as during actual combat operations. In addition to being some of the most in-demand vessels in the Navy today, they are also among the most coveted assignments by the services submariners. Just publicly sending one of these boats into a particular region, something the Navy has been more inclined to do in recent years, is enough to send major signals to opponents, as well as to allies and partners, far and wide. A prime example of this was Michigans arrival in the South Korean port of Busan in 2017 amid heightened geopolitical fiction on the Peninsula. Ohio SSBNs, which typically keep even out of sight during deployments, have also been increasingly making public appearances for the same reasons. The Ohio class guided missile submarine USS Michigan in Busan, South Korea, in 2017. USN www.twz.com The award of the NUC to Michigan also highlights the various missions that Ohio SSGNs would be called upon to perform in a future fight in the Pacific, especially a potential high-end one against China. Subsurface warfare, in general, would be a key aspect of any such conflict, and the U.S. and Chinese armed forces have both been very actively working to expand their abilities to detect and track submarine activity. At the same time, Michigans new award comes amid uncertainty over the exact future of the Ohio SSGNs. The Navy is working to replace its Ohio SSBNs with new Columbia class boats, but that program has been facing delays and cost growth. There are also plans for a new Large Payload Submarine, possibly based on the Columbia design, to supplant the Ohio SSGNs, but those boats are not expected to arrive until the late 2030s, at the earliest. The Navy has said in the past that the Ohio SSGNs could all be decommissioned by 2028, though it has also been looking at extending their service lives, as well as that of a number of Ohio SSBNs. Enlarged subvariants of the Virginia class attack submarine, as well as existing examples configured to support special operations missions, would help fill the gap. However, they will not provide the same capability, at least in some regards, as found on Michigan and its sister submarines, at least based on what is presently known. US Navy SEALs embarked aboard the Virginia class attack submarine USS New Mexico train in the Mediterranean Sea in 2021. USN In the meantime, the Ohio SSGNs will continue to be heavily utilized, including for the kinds of extremely demanding and secretive operations that earned Michigan the NUC award. Contact the author: joe@twz.com The post Ohio Guided Missile Submarine Deployed Underwater Drones On Award Winning Secret Missions appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Sea, Around The Globe, Boomers (SSBNs), China, Drones, Indo-Pacific, Navies, News & Features, Nuclear Guided Missile Submarines (SSGNs), Ohio Class, Ohio Class (SSGN variant), Special Warfare, Submarines, U.S. Navy, Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs)] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/9/25 10:21am
Donald Trump wouldnt catagorically rule out using the U.S. military to take control of Greenland, saying that America needs it — as well as the Panama Canal — for “economic security.” Amid intense kickback from Denmark — a NATO ally of which Greenland is an autonomous territory — and other countries, it’s worth looking in more detail at the significance of the island, which is one of the world’s largest, in economic, geostrategic, and, above all, military terms. Trump’s interest in Greenland has made headlines in recent days, although his designs on the territory are far from new. Back in 2019, TWZ reported on President Trump’s claim that his administration was considering attempting to purchase Greenland from Denmark, the U.S. leader noting at the time that the idea was “strategically interesting.” Since then, Trump’s territorial ambitions for Greenland (and elsewhere) have been ramped up several notches. U.S. President-elect Donald Trump arrives to speak to members of the media during a press conference at the Mar-a-Lago Club on January 7, 2025, in Palm Beach, Florida. Photo by Scott Olson/Getty Images Scott Olson Speaking at a press conference yesterday, the incoming U.S. president refused to rule out military or economic coercion to bring Greenland and the Panama Canal under U.S. control. “I can’t assure you on either of those two,” Trump told reporters. “But I can say this, we need them for economic security.” The same day, Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr., touched down in Greenland for what was described as a tourist visit, during which he reportedly handed out hats bearing the slogan ‘Make Greenland Great Again.’ Donald Trump Jr. leaves Nuuk, Greenland, on January 7, 2025. Donald Trump Jr. made a private visit to Greenland, a Danish autonomous territory coveted by his father. Photo by Emil Stach / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP EMIL STACH Talking about Greenland specifically, Trump threatened economic retaliation against Denmark, should the Scandinavian country — a NATO member — stand in the way of his territorial ambitions. Faced with such resistance, the United States “would tariff Denmark at a very high level,” Trump said. Similar threats were leveled at Canada, too, where Trump said he would not rule out using “economic force” to turn America’s northern neighbor into a U.S. state. NEW: Donald Trump has posted an image of a map depicting Canada as part of the USA pic.twitter.com/YAHpq2T3gT— Politics Global (@PolitlcsGlobal) January 8, 2025 In Denmark, Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen yesterday ruled out the possibility of coming to a deal with the United States that would see Greenland handed over. Instead, the future of the territory would be decided by its people. “Greenland is not for sale,” Frederiksen said. As to what the United States would be acquiring, should it somehow take control of Greenland, by whatever means, this territory is undoubtedly unique and it’s also at the center of an increasingly strategic race to expand control and military influence across the Arctic region. With Russia actively building up its military footprint in the wider region, it’s worth recalling that the United States already operates one of its most strategic military outposts in Greenland. Indeed, the U.S. military has for the better part of a century had a major military presence in Greenland, with the permission of the Danish government. A satellite view of Pituffik Space Force Base in Greenland. Google Earth As we’ve explored in the past, the current relationship dates back to the early years of the Cold War, driven by the standoff between the United States and the Soviet Union and the enduring military significance of Greenland. A U.S. military presence in Greenland can be traced back to before the superpower standoff, however. During World War II, when Denmark was under Nazi German occupation, an agreement was made with the Danish Ambassador to the United States that would allow the U.S. military to defend Danish settlements in Greenland from German forces, if required. After the German defeat, Denmark made efforts to remove the U.S. military presence but gave up once it joined NATO as a founding member in 1949. From this point onward, the relatively short distance between Greenland and the communist foe meant that the territory was an ideal springboard for launching U.S. nuclear strikes on the Soviet Union, as well as for basing early warning radars and interceptor fighters that, in turn, could help counter a Soviet attack. A year after the Alliance was established, the U.S. Air Force secretly began work on Thule Air Base in Greenland, which became the most significant military installation in the territory. Commencing operations in 1952, Thule Air Base was a critical installation during the Cold War, hosting Strategic Air Command bomber and reconnaissance aircraft, as well as interceptors and Nike nuclear-tipped surface-to-air missiles. 74th Fighter-Interceptor Squadron’s F-89s at Thule Air Base, Greenland, in 1955. U.S. Air Force via Wikicommons The Ballistic Missile Early Warning System (BMEWS) came to Greenland in 1961, when the BMEWS-Site 1 was established there, initially designated as the 12th Missile Warning Squadron and later the 12th Missile Warning Group. Air Force Space Command assumed control of Thule Air Base in 1983 and the unit was re-designated as the 12th Space Warning Squadron in 1992. In 1987, the BMEWS mechanical radar was upgraded to the more efficient and capable solid-state, phased-array system used today, the Upgraded Early Warning Radar (UEWR). A satellite view of Site J, or J-Site, the sprawling radar station that sits on a bluff northeast of what is now Pituffik Air Base. Google Earth The Cold War years were turbulent ones for Greenland and Thule Air Base and the outlying facilities saw more than their fair share of bizarre endeavors — as well as at least one incident that could have ended in nuclear catastrophe. Between 1959 and 1967, the secretive Camp Century research facility, 150 miles east of Thule Air Base, ran experiments in running military operations on the Greenland Ice Cap, which included a nuclear reactor below the ice. This also fed into Project Iceworm, a plan to construct a system of tunnels 2,500 miles in length, which could be used to launch 600 ‘Iceman’ missiles, modified two-stage Minuteman Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs), providing a ‘second-strike’ capability against the Soviet Union. You can read more about this outlandish unrealized scheme here. Camp Century left a toxic legacy of buried weapons, sewage, fuel, and pollutants under the ice and there are potentially even more hazardous pollutants hidden here too, after Thule Air Base became the site of one of America’s worst nuclear accidents. In 1968, a cabin fire broke out in a B-52G bomber carrying four thermonuclear gravity bombs. The B-52 crashed onto sea ice in North Star Bay just west of the air base, with at least three of the weapons likely exploding on impact. Seven of the eight crewmembers survived the crash. SSgt Calvin Snapp, one of the crew in the B-52 accident in 1968, being rescued after ejecting onto the Greenland ice sheet. Public domain No nuclear detonations resulted, but the surrounding area was nonetheless covered with radioactive materials, while burning fuel and explosives melted the ice sheet, meaning that significant quantities of debris fell to the ocean floor. Project Crested Ice was launched to try and clean up the nuclear mess, although at least one of the thermonuclear weapons may still be unaccounted for. Until today, there are conflicting accounts of whether the entire bomb went missing, or whether it was a part of one of the fissile cores. These incidents were somewhat forgotten after the end of the Cold War but have been brought back into focus as the Arctic ice continues to retreat under the effects of climate change. Meanwhile, following its formal transfer to the U.S. Space Force in 2020, Thule Air Base was renamed Pituffik (pronounced bee-doo-FEEK) Space Base in 2023. U.S. Space Force While the strategic significance of the air base waned after the end of the Cold War, the developing geopolitical situation in the Arctic has seen it become much more important again. What hasn’t changed is the inhospitable nature of this remote operating environment, located well above the Arctic Circle and just 947 miles from the North Pole. In winter, temperatures here fall to as low as -47 degrees Fahrenheit while winds of up to 100 knots whip across the facility. Between November and February, the base is in constant darkness, while the sun never sets during the summer months of May to August. Different storm conditions are depicted in an orientation document for personnel arriving at the base formerly known as Thule, now Pituffik. Pentagon document Today, operations at Pituffik Space Base are overseen by the Space Force’s 821st Space Base Group, the mission of which is “to enable force projection, space superiority, and scientific research in the Arctic region for our nation and allies through integrated base support and defense operations,” according to the Space Force. With Pituffik Space Base, the 821st Space Base Group is responsible for the U.S. military’s northernmost installation but also the worlds northernmost deep-water seaport, and a number of subordinate squadrons, as follows: 821st Support Squadron: provides mission support in the form of engineering, medical, communication, logistics, services, and airfield operations in support of the 821 Space Base Group and tenant organizations. 821st Security Forces Squadron: handles security of the 254-square-mile defense area in and around Pituffik. The area includes a ballistic missile early warning system, satellite control and tracking facilities, the air base, and the seaport which is only accessible for a short period during the summer. An annual sealift operation to support the base during this period is called Operation Pace Goose. 12th Space Warning Squadron: responsible for the AN/FPS-132 Upgraded Early Warning Radar (UEWR) system, a phased-array radar that detects and reports attack assessments of sea-launched and intercontinental ballistic missile threats heading toward North America. A secondary mission of the squadron is providing space surveillance data on satellites and other near-Earth objects like asteroids. The AN/FPS-120 in Greenland. www.bcpowersys.com 23rd Space Operations Squadron, Detachment 1: one of seven Remote Tracking Stations in the Satellite Control Network. Located approximately 3.5 miles northeast of the Pituffik main base, Det 1 provides telemetry, tracking, and command and control operations to the United States and allied government satellite programs. While Pituffik is now primarily host to these various space and missile warning missions, fighter detachments are also making a comeback, reflecting one of the core Cold War missions for what was then still known as Thule Air Base. Regular flying operations include Vigilant Shield, an annual, binational air defense training event staged with the Canadian military. In 2023, while it was still named Thule Air Base, the facility welcomed for the first time a detachment of U.S. Air Force F-35A stealth fighters, where they took part in a North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) exercise that you can read more about here. Pilots and ground crew prepare F-35As deployed to Thule Air Base, Greenland, to take off on sorties during Operation Noble Defender 23-2.1 on January 16, 2023. Department of Defense photo by Master Sgt. Benjamin Wiseman Pituffik also regularly hosts surveillance missions, and scientific data-gathering flights, and serves as a hub for transports and search and rescue aircraft. It has an associated port facility that serves as a key logistics node. Canadian search and rescue team members assigned to the 41st Expeditionary Operations Group practice rescue operations in Arctic conditions at Thule Air Base, Greenland, January 22, 2023. A CH-149 Cormorant helicopter is in the background. Department of Defense photo by Master Sgt. Benjamin Wiseman The strategic value of Pituffik Space Base and its early warning mission means that it would be one of the first U.S. military installations to be targeted in the event of a nuclear exchange with Russia. While such a scenario was part of the everyday Cold War reality, it’s something that appears more possible as Greenland again finds itself in the middle of another standoff between East and West. In some respects, Trump’s preoccupation with Greenland reflects the degree to which the United States has, in recent years, lagged far behind Russia when it comes to establishing a more permanent footprint above the Arctic Circle — let alone in terms of more temporary operations in the region. Thule Air Base in 2005. Public domain Meanwhile, Russia has placed a huge strategic importance on the Arctic, with many investments in the region. In recent years, Moscow has been heavily committed to increasing its air and naval power in the Arctic Circle and has been establishing new bases in the region, as well as reactivating ones that fell into disuse after the Cold War. For some years now, Russia has enjoyed access to over 50 airfields and ports in the Arctic region, from where it is able to project air and naval power that could deny the United States and its allies access to the Arctic. Russian maritime activity in the region is also enabled to a significant degree by a large and growing fleet of icebreakers, which dwarfs that used by the United States and its allies combined. If anything, the strategic importance of the Arctic region as a whole has the potential to be a good deal greater than it was during the decades of superpower standoff, driven by climate change opening up new shipping routes as well as providing access to natural resources that were previously inaccessible, or at least much harder to exploit. A Russian MiG-31BM Foxhound interceptors at Rogachevo Air Base in the Novaya Zemlya archipelago, above the Arctic Circle. Russian Ministry of Defense The importance of new shipping routes shouldn’t be underestimated. After all, whoever is able to control new lanes for commercial shipping and maritime traffic between Asian markets and Europe and North America will be able to dictate the terms of international trade in the Arctic. While the Cold War rendered the Arctic a critical zone in terms of military strategy, the continued retreat of the sea ice in the region means that it is becoming increasingly important for economic development. Having maritime commerce traverse the Arctic will slash the journey times and costs of moving goods around the northern hemisphere. Meanwhile, resources in the wider region should provide new opportunities for undersea oil drilling, the mining of rare earth metals from the sea floor, and access to lucrative fisheries, to name just a few. It’s therefore no surprise that the leading powers are now jostling for position in the Arctic, with a military presence seen as vital to secure strategic access and natural resources. NATO — including the United States, Canada, and Denmark — has long identified the Arctic as a region of “great power competition.” This rivalry now includes not only NATO and Russia but increasingly China, too. With an eye on new shipping routes and natural resources, Beijing has been expanding its presence in the Arctic, and, in response to this, the Pentagon has defined the Arctic as “an increasingly competitive domain,” issuing specific warnings about China’s growing interest in the Arctic, including Greenland. The Chinese icebreaker Xue Long lowers equipment to the Arctic ice. Public domain The Pentagon is also increasingly worried that, despite the potential for competition between them, China and Russia could cooperate on an Arctic strategy to the detriment of the United States. Indeed, there is major military cooperation already exists between China and Russia, especially in the naval space — and with a unique emphasis on the Arctic. There’s little doubt that the geopolitical importance of the Arctic — and with it, Greenland — is only set to increase. Thanks to its geographic location, Greenland is already of critical importance to the United States. Not only does the country’s security rely to a significant degree on missile detection and tracking capabilities in Greenland, but having a military foothold here provides unrivaled access to the Arctic, in the sea and air domains. Were the United States to control Greenland or at least have greater freedom to expand its military presence there, it would be a logical outpost from which it could challenge Russia and China in the region. At the very least, its potential as a major logistics hub could be further enhanced, allowing the U.S. military to extend its reach further over the Arctic. The ramp at what was then known as Thule Air Base. U.S. Air Force Alongside its support and surveillance functions, Greenland already provides the U.S. military with a logistics staging post, but it could also accommodate new command and control capabilities. Potentially, it could see a return to the basing of U.S. Air Force bombers and fighters, even on a permanent basis, if this is judged necessary. Echoing the previous practices, it could be used once again to station air defenses, to provide a forward line of defense against Russian bombers and missiles, although these could now include ballistic ones. There is even the possibility that the United States might choose to have long-range ground-based strike capabilities in Greenland, a Cold War throwback that is already poised to return to Western Europe, albeit in the form of conventional and not nuclear-armed missiles. Expanded port access in Greenland would also provide valuable and highly strategic maritime power projection points into the Arctic, as well as the North Atlantic. Those ports could be especially useful as operating locations for icebreakers. A U.S. Navy Mk 70-series launch system — capable of accommodating SM-6 multi-purpose missiles — mounted on a trailer deployed during an exercise in Denmark in September 2023. U.S. Navy A reinforced U.S. military presence in Greenland would very likely also address capabilities for a potential land war with Russia here and in the wider region. Due to its geographical position and its extremely limited means of repelling a ground invasion, Greenland is today could be considered a soft target by some. This is compounded by the fact that, while the U.S. Army is only slowly returning to more robust preperations for warfare in Arctic conditions, Russia is far more capable of fighting in northern latitudes and is introducing a variety of weapons systems that are optimized for just this kind of environment. Russian troops test a Chaborz M-3 combat buggy modified for Arctic operations. Russian Ministry of Defense screencap One more legacy of the Cold War that has made a resurgence in recent years is Russian submarine operations, with a focus on the Arctic and North Atlantic, with Greenland in a highly strategic position. The vital Greenland, Iceland, United Kingdom Gap, better known as the GIUK Gap, is a critical bottleneck through which Russian (and before them Soviet) submarines need to pass to effectively patrol the North Atlantic. During the Cold War, a significant portion of NATO naval power in Europe was dedicated to closely monitoring the GIUK Gap, and hunting submarines would have been a top priority in wartime. With Russia operating increasingly capable submarines, the GIUK Gap is once again of fundamental importance, and having anti-submarine warfare capabilities in Greenland would further bolster this effort. Dating from the Cold War but still relevant today, a map of the GIUK Gap. CIA.gov So far, the United States has relied on cooperation with the Danish government to ensure that it retains a significant foothold in Greenland. Although this hasn’t always been entirely without problems, Denmark and the United States — as NATO members — have broadly aligned interests in the region, officially at least. Conceivably, the United States could potentially accomplish most of its strategic aims in Greenland via this same relationship, rather than taking over the island and claiming ownership of it. Already today, it seems the Pentagon was seeking to distance itself from a potential seizure of Greenland. At a press conference, U.S. Department of Defense spokesperson Sabrina Singh said she was not aware of any military plans draft for a Greenland invasion, and said that the department is focused on more immediate matters. “We’re concerned with the real national security concerns that confront this building every single day,” she said. The view from the flight deck of a Royal Danish Air Force C-130J transport during a mission over Greenland. Royal Danish Air Force It remains to be seen whether the looming military competition in the Arctic region and the drive to compete with Russia and China in this remote corner of the world means that Greenland remains in Trump’s sights during his second term in office. Regardless, the potential for Greenland as a cornerstone of America’s military strategy in the Arctic is clear, whatever form that takes. Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com The post Why Greenland Is Of Growing Strategic Significance appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Air, Air Forces, Arctic, Around The Globe, Europe, NATO, Space, U.S. Air Force, U.S. Space Force] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/8/25 5:06pm
The arsenals of the U.S. Air Forces F-15E Strike Eagle and F-15EX Eagle II combat jets look set to grow with the addition of stealthy AGM-158C Long-Range Anti-Ship Missiles (LRASMs). F-15Es and EXs armed with LRASMs would give the Air Force a major boost in its ability to engage enemy warships, which could be particularly valuable in any future high-end fight in the Pacific against China. The U.S. Navys Naval Air Systems Command (NAVAIR) announced its intention to negotiate a sole-source contract with Lockheed Martin, the prime contractor for LRASM, to integrate the C-1 variant of the missile onto the F-15E and EX earlier today. The Navy manages the LRASM program on the U.S. military side. The AGM-158C-1 is the main subvariant of the LRASM in production now. An extended-range version of the missile, the AGM-158C-3, able to fly roughly twice as far (around 600 miles versus 200-300 miles based on available information), which will also feature other improvements, is now in development. An AGM-158C Long Range Anti-Ship Missile (LRASM) in flight. USAF Navy F/A-18E/F Super Hornets and Air Force B-1 bombers are the two available launch platforms for LRASM now. Work is already underway to integrate the missiles onto the Navys P-8 Poseidon maritime patrol plane and at least some variants of the stealthy F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. Integrating the AGM-158C now onto Air Force F-15E and EX makes good sense. The Strike Eagle and other F-15 variants in that extended family can employ non-stealthy and far shorter-ranged Harpoon anti-ship missiles, but its unclear if the Air Force has those weapons available for F-15E units now and/or if they actively train to employ them. The Air Forces Strike Eagles are already a platform of choice for employing members of the AGM-158 Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM) family on air-launched land-attack cruise missiles from which the LRASM was derived. The EX has demonstrated its ability to employ JASSMs, as well. An F-15EX loaded with a JASSM, as well as a number of AIM-120 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM). USAF One of the US Air Forces two F-15EXs seen loaded with a mixture of AIM-120 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM) and AGM-158 Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM) cruise missiles. This underscores the aircrafts significant payload capacity. USAF The large overall payload capacity of the Strike Eagle and the Eagle II should also allow a single one of either of the jets to carry a significant number of AGM-158C at once. The Air Force has test-loaded five JASSMs, which have the same external form factor as the LRASM, onto a single F-15E in the past. An F-15E loaded with five JASSMs during a test. USAF Just last year, Lockheed Martin, in cooperation with the Navy, conducted what appeared to be a first-of-its-kind test that saw four LRASMs fly simultaneously. TWZ noted at the time that this was representative of how the missiles would actually be employed in combat. A single F-15E or EX could well be able to unleash a volley like this at one or multiple maritime targets. LRASMs already offer a high degree of survivability thanks to their stealth design and highly autonomous route-planning capability tied to an onboard electronic support measures (ESM) suite. The missiles can automatically change course in response to the sudden appearance of enemy defenses, as well as better detect their targets via their radio-frequency emissions. In addition, they use a passive imaging infrared sensor in the terminal phase of flight, which does not send out radio-frequency signals that an enemy could detect and is immune to radio-frequency jamming. It can also visually decipher different targets by comparing them to its onboard database and strike them in the most vulnerable spots. An onboard datalink also means AGM-158Cs can receive additional threat updates from offboard sources as they head toward their targets, as well as work cooperatively with other LRASMs for more coordinated strikes. F-15Es and F-15EXs, which also have significant combat range thanks in part to conformal fuel tanks and large internal fuel load, armed with LRASM would also increase the U.S. militarys overall capacity to launch aerial anti-ship strikes across large swathes of a future battlespace. This could be particularly important in a future major conflict in the Pacific with Chinas Peoples Liberation Army (PLA), which continues to add larger and otherwise more modern surface warships to its already substantial combat fleets. Launch capacity is only one part of the equation and there are growing concerns about the adequacy of American stockpiles of stand-off munitions like the AGM-158C and the ability to replenish them during a sustained fight. LRASM is one of a number of weapons the U.S. military is looking to buy significantly more of going forward and Lockheed Martin is taking steps to ramp up production. In addition, expanding the arsenals of the F-15E and EX can only re-raise questions about the Air Forces desire to slash the Strike Eagle fleet and truncate purchases of new Eagle IIs. TWZ has previously explored in depth how the current expected F-15EX fleet size is too small to allow commanders to get the most out of the added capabilities the jets have to offer. The Air Force currently expects to use the Eagle II primarily for air-to-air combat missions, but the groundwork is already being laid to add air-to-ground to the portfolio of units equipped with the jets. Other missions, like launching specialized outsized weapons and controlling drones are also being examined. An F-15EX with a loadout of AIM-120s reflecting its primary air-to-air role, at least initially. USAF Exactly what the estimated timeline is for the integration of the AGM-158C-1 onto the F-15E and EX is also unclear and will depend in part on when the contract with Lockheed Martin is finalized. Still, a major boost to the anti-ship capabilities of the Strike Eagle and Eagle II is now on the horizon. Contact the author: joe@twz.com The post Stealthy AGM-158C Long-Range Anti-Ship Missiles To Arm F-15EX, F-15E appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, AGM-158 Joint Air-To-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM), Air Force Munitions, Air Forces, Air-To-Ground, Anti-Ship Cruise Missile, Around The Globe, China, F-15, Fighters, Indo-Pacific, Naval Munitions, Navies, News & Features, Sea, U.S. Air Force, U.S. Navy] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/8/25 2:20pm
Russian authorities have declared a state of emergency in the Volga River port city of Engels as a huge fire, caused by a “massive” Ukrainian drone attack, rages unchecked. The strike was on the strategically important fuel storage tank farm for Engels Air Base, the Ukrainian Armed Forces General Staff said on Facebook. It’s the home of the 22nd Heavy Bomber Aviation Division and its Tu-22M3 Backfire-C, Tu-95MS Bear-H, and Tu-160M Blackjack bombers, located about 300 miles east of the border.  “Due to the increase in the area of ​​the fire at the industrial enterprise that was attacked by a UAV, a state of emergency will be introduced in Engels,” Roman Busargin, governor of Saratov region, said Wednesday on Telegram. “Unfortunately, as a result of the liquidation, there are two fatalities employees of the fire service of the Ministry of Emergency Situations. Also, one specialist was hospitalized. The Minister of Health was instructed to keep the provision of medical care under special control.” In Russia’s Engels, a state of emergency has been declared following an overnight Ukrainian drone attack. A second tank at the oil refinery has exploded. The fire is now visible from every corner of the city.Two firefighters died, and the fire continues to spread. pic.twitter.com/3wj1ymbZgb— KyivPost (@KyivPost) January 8, 2025 New explosion reported at the burning fuel depot in the Russian city of Engels that was attacked by Ukrainian drones last night.The fire continues. https://t.co/bTA7k0zCku pic.twitter.com/F4mnizPBRq— Status-6 (Military & Conflict News) (BlueSky too) (@Archer83Able) January 8, 2025 Russia’s Rosreserv fuel depot in Engels continued to burn today after a Ukrainian drone attack last night, with multiple additional storage tanks igniting throughout the day. Within the last hour, the regional governor of Saratov declared a state of emergency. pic.twitter.com/EzhoQTgqK0— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) January 8, 2025 Bombers like those based at Engels have frequently been used in long-range attacks on Ukrainian cities, launching a variety of cruise missiles. The attack was clearly designed to impact the ability of the base to generate bomber sorties. With the fire still raging, the full extent of the damage is unknown, but it is highly likely that the bombers fuel reserves are greatly affected. Engels Air Base is located about 300 miles east of Ukraine. (Google Earth) The fuel facility attacked today, seen in the bottom left corner of this image, is about five miles west of Engels Air Base. (Google Earth) “Worth noting, while the Tu-95MS consumes conventional types of jet fuel (T-1, TS, RT), the Tu-160, on the other hand, requires special high-density fuel of the T-8V brand,” the Ukrainian Defense Express media outlet reported. “Considering the limited attainability of the T-8V fuel, if tanks containing it were destroyed by drones tonight, Russian Tu-160 could be grounded completely or significantly limited in their operations.” The Blackjacks are already being used sparingly “due to their limited numbers and ongoing modernization efforts,” Defense Express pointed out. “Russia’s Aerospace Forces reportedly possess around 15 Tu-160 aircraft, though not all are operational. Some are being upgraded to the Tu-160M aircraft standard, with Moscow aiming to expand the fleet to 20 aircraft by completing unfinished Soviet-era airframes, a goal widely viewed as uncertain.” “The last time these aircraft were involved in an attack was on November 17, 2024, which was the first time they had been used in 550 days,” the publication added. A Tupolev Tu-160M strategic bomber seen taking off from the runway of an aircraft manufacturer in Kazan on February 22, 2024. (Photo by DMITRY AZAROV/POOL/AFP via Getty Images) The aircraft at the base have been targeted several times in the past, causing the Russians to beef up their air defenses, use silhouette decoys, and even place tires on the planes there to protect them from attack by confusing image-matching missile seekers. However, Ukrainian officials said today’s attack was part of their ongoing effort to target Russian fuel supplies to reduce Russias capacity to fight. “Oil base [attacks] create serious logistical problems for Russian occupiers strategic aviation and significantly reduces their ability to strike peaceful Ukrainian cities and civilian objects,” the Ukrainian Armed Forces General Staff noted on Facebook. Alexander Kamyshin, an advisor to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, lauded the fact that Ukraine used its own long-range weapons in the attack. He did not specify which ones.  Yet another russian oil depot, serving military airfield, was hit by long range capabilities #MadeInUkraine, he stated. Our DefenseTech is our superpower. Engels on fire, your defense is terrified Yet another russian oil depot, serving military airfield, was hit by long range capabilities #MadeInUkraine.Our #DefenseTech is our superpower. pic.twitter.com/cbO94Rqbee— Alexander Kamyshin (@AKamyshin) January 8, 2025 Engels has been a target of Ukrainian drone strikes since December 2022, when it was attacked three times in just that month. At the time, the Russian Defense Ministry (MoD) said the base was hit by Soviet-made jet-powered unmanned aerial vehicles modified by Ukraine to carry explosives. The Russian MoD was referring to the jet-powered Tu-141 Strizh, originally built as a reconnaissance UAV. Smaller Tu-143s have also likely been used. You can read about that here. Since then, Ukraine has used many kinds of long-range strike drones in attacks hundreds of miles into Russia. President Zelensky showed the Palianytsia drone missile, which was first revealed yesterday.All of its specifications are classified. What is known from the information in the video: “Palianytsia” has a turbojet engine; is launched from a ground platform; the… pic.twitter.com/GyIEVFw52Q— Slava (@Heroiam_Slava) August 25, 2024 The attack on Engels comes as U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin heads off to Ramstein, Germany for the 25th meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group (UDCG), a consortium of some 50 nations dedicated to helping arm Ukraine in its fight against Russia. With just two weeks left in the Biden administration, Thursdays meeting will be the for Austin, the brainchild behind the UDCG. Boarding a C-17 for @SecDef Austin’s final trip at frigid, black-iced (already fell once) Joint Base Andrews see you in Ramstein pic.twitter.com/3iSe4Sbff8— Tara Copp (@TaraCopp) January 8, 2025 Between 80% to 90% of weapons promised from U.S. stocks have been delivered, a U.S. defense official told reporters on Tuesday. There is still roughly $4 billion in Presidential Drawdown Authority (PDA) commitments to be made before Donald Trump takes office. While a new arms package is scheduled to be announced Thursday, we do not expect that we will have fully utilized all of the PDA authority available, the official told reporters. Beyond that, there are also contracts underway for the production of new ones. It remains unclear yet how Trump will approach the issue of funding Ukraine once he takes office on Jan. 20. In a wide-ranging press conference from Mar-a-Lago on Tuesday, Trump declined to commit to continued support for Ukraine during any future peace negotiations. Donald Trump to a question about providing security guarantees for Ukraine: "Russia for many years said you could never have NATO involved with Ukraine. Thats been like written in stone. And Biden said no, they should be able to join NATO. Then Russia has somebody right on… pic.twitter.com/sVYhf9331o— Ostap Yarysh (@OstapYarysh) January 7, 2025 Even with future of U.S. support being put into question, Ukraines homegrown long-range weapons, like those that struck Engels, can continue to reach increasingly further into Russia in an attempt to disrupt military operations and destroy highly valued targets. Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com The post Ukraine Targets Strategic Bomber Fuel Supplies In Long-Range Strike On Russia appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Air, Air Forces, Around The Globe, Bombers, Europe, Russia, Russian Air Force, Tu-160, Tu-22, Tu-95, Ukraine] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/8/25 12:01pm
A new independent report says that U.S. airbases have been left worryingly vulnerable, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, by a lack of investment in new hardened aircraft shelters, or even unhardened ones. In contrast, the Chinese Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) has more than doubled its total number of hardened and unhardened aircraft shelters in the past 15 years or so, along with a major expansion of other airbase infrastructure. Other countries, including Russia, are increasingly doing the same. This comes amid an increasingly heated debate between the U.S. military and Congress over the right mix of active and passive base defenses needed to succeed in a future high-end conflict, such as one against China in the Pacific, which TWZ has been following closely. The Hudson Institute think tank in Washington, D.C., published the report, titled Concrete Sky: Air Base Hardening in the Western Pacific, yesterday. Its primary authors are Hudsons Timothy Walton and Thomas Shugart from the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), a separate think tank. Im pleased to announce the release of a new report I co-authored with @timothyawalton for @HudsonInstitute titled Concrete Sky: Air Base Hardening in the Western Pacific. pic.twitter.com/zRenm6y0VV— Tom Shugart (@tshugart3) January 7, 2025 The U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) has consistently expressed concern regarding threats to airfields in the Indo-Pacific, and military analyses of potential conflicts involving China and the United States demonstrate that the overwhelming majority of US aircraft losses would likely occur on the ground at airfields (and that the losses could be ruinous), the report says in its executive summary. But the U.S. military has devoted relatively little attention, and few resources, to countering these threats compared to developing modern aircraft. By the reports accounting, the U.S. military has added two hardened aircraft shelters (HAS) and 41 of what it refers to as unhardened individual aircraft shelters (IASs), at airbases within 1,000 miles of the Taiwan Strait since the early 2010s. Expansion of those same facilities has been otherwise limited, with the addition of only one runway, one major taxiway, and 17 percent more ramp area overall. Since the early 2010s, the PLA has more than doubled its hardened aircraft shelters (HASs) and unhardened individual aircraft shelters (IASs) at military airfields, giving China more than 3,000 total aircraft shelters — not including civil or commercial airfields, the new report from Hudson says. This constitutes enough shelters to house and hide the vast majority of China’s combat aircraft. China has also added 20 runways and more than 40 runway-length taxiways, and increased its ramp area nationwide by almost 75 percent. Hardened Aircraft Shelters of J-10 Fighters pic.twitter.com/pjb2lAPsu6— Húrin (@Hurin92) September 8, 2023 In fact, by our calculations, the amount of concrete used by China to improve the resilience of its air base network could pave a four-lane inter-state highway from Washington, D.C., to Chicago[, Illinois], it continues. As a result, China now has 134 air bases within 1,000 nautical miles of the Taiwan Strait — airfields that boast more than 650 HASs and almost 2,000 non-hardened IASs. A satellite image showing the 16 IASs under construction at Tuchengzi Air Base in northeastern China in 2022. This is just one example of Chinas massive airbase construction push in the past two decades mentioned in Hudsons new report. Maxar via USAF A satellite image showing the 16 aircraft shelters at Tuchengzi under construction. Maxar via USAF The report does acknowledge that IASs do not provide anywhere near the same level of protection as true HASs, which are costlier. It also makes clear that shelters, hardened or otherwise, are just one part of a larger base defense equation. However, its authors argue that robust passive defenses are the most cost-effective single measure that can be taken to provide critical added resiliency against attacks and help provide a key foundation for other concepts of operations. Hudsons report estimates that buying just one fewer B-21 every year for the next five years could free up enough funds to construct 100 HASs. A similar reduction in purchases of F-15EXs or F-35As could yield the resources required to build 20 more HASs annually. The estimated unit cost of the B-21 is pegged at between $600 and $800 million based on publicly available information. As of 2023, the price tag for a single F-15EX was nearly $94 million, while the average unit cost across all three variants of the F-35 was said to be around $82.5 million. The first pre-production B-21 Raider stealth bomber sits under an open-ended shelter. Photo courtesy of Jonathan Case, Northrop Grumman Furthermore, a $4 million fully-enclosed, substantial hardened aircraft shelter [for fighters] that may last for decades costs as much as a single Patriot surface-to-air missile or 1/20 the cost of an $80 million fighter aircraft that the HAS might otherwise protect, the report adds, quoting a separate white paper on airbase defense that the Air & Space Forces Associations Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies published in July 2024. In addition, while non-hardened IASs do not provide the same degree of protection as HASs, some of them may provide at least partial protection from shrapnel, the report adds. IASs may also make it more difficult to determine the number and types of aircraft at a base, potentially masking a pre-conflict surge of aircraft, and make both strike planning and post-strike damage assessment more challenging. As TWZ has highlighted in the past, the ability to better shield planes exposed out on the flight line even from more limited threats like shrapnel, including that produced by relatively small warheads on kamikaze drones and cluster munitions, is still very valuable. By targeting aircraft sitting out in the open, an adversary could well prevent them from ever entering the fight, even with limited attacks, such as ones involving weaponized commercial drones. Ukrainian attacks on Russian airbases using drones and U.S.-supplied Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS) short-range ballistic missiles with cluster warheads have helped drive this reality home. In turn, Russia has launched its own new push to build hardened and other shelters at various air bases, especially those close to Ukraine. A Maxar satellite image taken on June 8, 2024, showing the aftermath of a Ukrainian drone attack on Russias Akhtubinsk Air Base that damaged one and possibly two Su-57 Felon advanced fighters sitting out in the open on the flight line. Satellite image ©2024 Maxar Technologies A Maxar satellite image taken June 8 after the attack shows damage to one and possibly two Su-57 Felon new generation fighters. Satellite image ©2024 Maxar Technologies A December 19, 2024 satellite image of Russias Belbek Air Base on the occupied Crimean Peninsula showing work on new HASs and other construction. PHOTO © 2024 PLANET LABS INC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. REPRINTED BY PERMISSION In addition, passive defenses include not only hardening, but also redundancy measures, prepositioning of supplies, reconstitution capabilities, and camouflage, concealment, and deception measures, the new report notes. Furthermore, while passive defenses may seem at odds with a predominantly expeditionary U.S. approach to warfare unless U.S. forces can defend airfields at home and abroad, they will be unable to support US and allied interests in a conflict. As illustrated below, Hudsons report assesses that it could take just 10 missiles with warheads capable of scattering cluster munitions across an area with a 450-foot diameter to neutralize all exposed aircraft on the ground and fuel storage at key airbases like Marine Corps Air Station Iwakuni in Japan, Naval Support Facility Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, or Langley Air Force Base in Virginia. Hudson Institute The report also highlights the ever-growing threat posed by drones, and how uncrewed systems and missiles could threaten airbases within the continental United States, as well as overseas. For years now, TWZ has been sounding the alarm on these issues, especially when it comes to the dangers of increasingly more capable drones that are steadily proliferating globally, and noting the continued lag on the part of the U.S. military in addressing them. Recent Air Force requests for information about enclosures to defend F-15Es from drone attacks at Seymour Johnson Air Force Base and F-22 jets at Langley Air Force Base suggest the Air Force is starting to consider the threat more seriously, Hudsons report notes, directly citing some of TWZs past reporting. However, it is again pursuing low-cost solutions (such as canvassing existing open-air shelters or applying nets), which counter-measures such as shaped charges can easily overcome, rather [than] building proper HASs. A graphic offering general details about the sunshade-type shelters at Langley that could be in line to receive new anti-drone nets. USAF Still unexplained drone incursions over Langley that continued for several weeks in December 2023, which TWZ was first to report, became a particular watershed moment for the discourse around drone threats, including to domestic U.S. military bases. Drone incursions over bases hosting U.S. forces in Europe last year, as well as widespread drone sightings over New Jersey and elsewhere in the United States that have increasingly tended toward hysteria, have further reinforced the reality about the potential threats in the public consciousness. The issue of hardening and limited investments in new HASs and other passive defenses in the past 20 years, also extends to U.S. allies and partners in the Western Pacific, the report points out. South Korea, which faces the immediate prospect of potential attacks from North Korea, is the notable outlier. Earlier this month, the Japanese Ministry of Defense announced plans to start moving 14 key command centers underground to better shield them, especially from potential Chinese attacks in the event of a larger conflict over Taiwan, as part of its proposed budget for the 2025 Fiscal Year. Hudson Institute As already noted, the report from Hudson stresses that HASs and other infrastructure improvements are not a silver bullet solution. It also includes two other recommended lines of effort centered on a potential conflict with China in the Pacific. The report also calls for increasing the ability of U.S. forces to similarly hold Chinese bases and other critical infrastructure, including facilities deep inside the country, at risk. That, among other things, will require increasing the production and stockpiling of strike munitions, and the development of types that are cheaper and easier to produce at scale. This has long been its own hot-button issue for the U.S. military and is only more so now amid planning for a potential high-end fight with China. Improving the U.S. militarys ability to project air power from far-flung locations, and without the need for long runways or runways at all, or simply to have aircraft capable of longer-range operations from bases that are less vulnerable to start with, is the other recommended course of action in the report. TWZ has been increasingly highlighting the potential value of crewed and uncrewed aircraft with greater, if not total runway independence, as well as new concepts in aerial refueling, in future major conflicts, especially across the broad expanses of the Pacific. How the U.S. Air Force and the rest of the U.S. military might actually proceed, especially when it comes to base infrastructure, remains to be seen. Last month, the Air Force notably released a new base modernization strategy that included a focus area on increased resiliency and that pointedly said that the services facilities can no longer be considered a sanctuary. However, it did not explicitly mention HASs or similar passive defensive measures, last month. Air Force officials have also pushed back on the value of more extensive physical hardening in the past. “I’m not a big fan of hardening infrastructure,” Gen. Kenneth Wilsbach, then head of Pacific Air Forces, the top Air Force command for that region, said at a roundtable at the 2023 Air and Space Forces Association symposium. “The reason is because of the advent of precision-guided weapons… you saw what we did to the Iraqi Air Force and their hardened aircraft shelters. They’re not so hard when you put a 2,000-pound bomb right through the roof.” Air Force ground crew personnel tow an F-117 Nighthawk stealth combat jet past a destroyed hardened aircraft shelter at Ahmad Al Jaber Air Base in Kuwait in 1998. U.S. forces had knocked out this shelter during the first Gulf War in 1991. DOD Hudsons report includes an entire section rebutting arguments like Wilsbachs, including highlighting how physical hardening would force the PLA to expend more and better weapons in attacks on airbases to try to ensure success. The report also highlights how other countries beyond China, including Russia, North Korea, and Israel, are also very actively investing in new hardened airbase infrastructure. There are various policy and other hurdles to improving active air and missile defenses around airbases and other critical facilities abroad and at home. This includes the fact that the U.S. Army is currently the lead service responsible for performing that mission at Air Force bases. Top Air Force officials have said they are open to taking on that responsibility as long as it comes with commensurate additional funding. Lengthy traditional contracting processes and concerns about future U.S. defense budgets, together with competing priorities, present additional issues. The Air Force has been increasingly warning about the affordability of various new advanced aircraft and other modernization efforts, including plans for a new sixth-generation stealth combat jet, Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) drones, and new stealthy tankers, for months now. To comprehensively harden airfields, the DoD [Department of Defense] will need to shift from treating each construction project individually to conducting a campaign of construction, Hudsons report says. When facing similar challenges in the past, the DoD addressed them, building 373 HASs in Vietnam over a three-year period and roughly 1,000 HASs in Europe in the 1980s. With decisive action, the DoD can address this problem. USAF In the meantime, while the debate in the United States about the value of HASs and other physical defenses continues, China is vastly outpacing the U.S. military in this regard and other countries are also taking note. Contact the author: joe@twz.com The post Lack Of Hardened Aircraft Shelters Leaves U.S. Airbases Vulnerable To China New Report Warns appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, Air Forces, Americas, Around The Globe, Bunkers & Installations, Drones, Europe, Indo-Pacific, News & Features, U.S. Air Force, U.S. Homeland] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/8/25 10:33am
 The U.S. Navy’s Flight III Arleigh Burke (DDG-51) class destroyers are facing cost increases and delays, jumping from an average of $2.1 billion per ship to $2.5 billion per hull, with even steeper cost increases coming in the future, according to a new Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report. The report analyzes the Navy’s 2025 shipbuilding plan, which calls for a 390-battle force ship fleet by 2054, and includes nine more vessels than in last year’s plan.  Beyond destroyers, the versatile workhorses of the Navy’s combat fleet, the CBO’s assessment notes cost hikes among other platforms, as well as systemic American shipbuilding industry shortfalls that could impede the service’s fleet size goal. All this long-term planning comes as the sea service races to prepare for a near-term war with China if Beijing invades Taiwan in the coming years. These destroyers and their anti-air, anti-submarine and anti-surface warfare capabilities would be crucial to such a future fight. A graphic from the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) assessment of the Navys latest 30-year shipbuilding plan. (Congressional Budget Office) The Navy currently has 74 destroyers of the Areligh Burke class, in Flight I, Flight II, Flight IIA and Flight III variants. Two Flight IIAs and 18 Flight IIIs are already either under construction or their purchase has been already authorized by Congress. CBO’s assessment also found that, overall, the 23 Flight IIIs laid out in the 30-year shipbuilding plan will end up costing $2.7 billion on average.  “The Navy stated in a briefing to CBO and [the Congressional Research Service] that the increase in its estimates of the cost of the DDG-51 Flight IIIs was attributable to shipbuilding inflation’s outpacing economywide inflation as well as declining shipyard performance,” the CBO report states.  The report added that the destroyers currently under construction “have experienced substantial delays.” To date, just one Flight III destroyer, the USS Jack Lucas (DDG-125) has been commissioned, and the keel was laid for the second Flight III, the future USS Louis H. Wilson Jr. (DDG-126) in 2023. Inside Defense reported in June that other Flight III vessels could see six-to-25-month delivery delays.  The Navy Flight III destroyer USS Jack H. Lucas (DDG-125), left, underway with the Australian Anzac class frigate HMAS Stuart (FFH-153) off Hawaii in March 2024. (U.S. Navy) The Flight III configuration is considered critical to Navy warfighting on the high seas going forward. It will feature the AN/SPY-6(V)1 air and missile defense radar, as well as upgraded electrical power and cooling capacity, among other enhancements.  Flight IIIs will also take on the air warfare command ship mission currently handled by the Navy’s aging and shrinking Ticonderoga class cruiser fleet, which the Navy has been steadily retiring in recent years.  Meanwhile, the Navy’s next-generation destroyer, dubbed DDG(X), is facing its own cost increases and delays, the CBO found. While the Navy is believed to still be refining its core requirements for the ship class, TWZ has reported in the past about that platform. The Navy’s 2025 shipbuilding plan called for production of those ships to commence in 2032, but the Navy later informed the CBO that the first ship actually wouldn’t begin production until 2034 or later.  The Navy wants to eventually buy 28 DDG(X) ships at an average cost of $3.3 billion per ship, a price “driven mostly by an increase in the size and capabilities” of the future warship, which would include a larger hull, more stealth capabilities, more power and a greater capacity to accommodate future systems, according to the CBO. But given the size and new tech onboard the DDG(X), CBO’s assessment states that those ships will actually cost $4.4 billion on average.  A conceptual design of the U.S. Navys future DDG(X) warship. (U.S. Navy) “The uncertainty about the ultimate size and capabilities of the next-generation destroyer suggests that its final cost could differ substantially from both the Navy’s and CBO’s estimates,” the report states. The CBO assessment also casts doubt on the Navy’s estimate that the already-delayed Constellation class frigate (FFG-62) will cost $1 billion per ship, with the CBO estimating that the ships will instead come in at $1.4 billion per hull. Go here to read past TWZ coverage of the Constellation class’s “unplanned weight growth” and other struggles. A rendering of the fourth planned Constellation class frigate, the future USS Lafayette. (U.S. Navy) A Navy shipbuilding review conducted in early 2024 highlighted several major programs that were running late, issues that TWZ has extensively reported on. These included an 18-to-26 month delay for the next Ford class carrier Enterprise (CVN-80), the first Columbia class ballistic missile sub being delayed 12 to 16 months, a three-year delay for the first Constellation class frigate and 24-to-36-month delays for Virginia class attack subs.  The Virginia-class submarine USS Vermont (SSN-792). (U.S. Navy) The CBO’s report suggests that the Navy’s latest plan is based on the assumption that systemic shortfalls plaguing current shipbuilding efforts will improve. And while leaders have laid out some reforms, and lawmakers last month introduced the bipartisan SHIPS Act to revive American shipbuilding, it remains to be seen whether large-scale reform will take place. Go here to read TWZ’s in-depth assessment of the SHIPS Act legislation. “The quantities of new ships purchased and the delivery times laid out in the Navy’s 2025 plan are predicated on the assumption that the production delays that several shipyards are currently experiencing will be resolved in the next decade, leading to the steady and on-time delivery of new ships in the future,” the report states.  All told, the CBO report highlights several other challenges in American shipbuilding, as well as budgetary uncertainties, that could impact the Navy’s ability to field a 390-ship battle force fleet by 2054. The fleet currently stands at 295 ships, while China’s fast-growing naval force numbers more than 370 vessels. The Pentagon warned last month that the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) is increasingly building ever-more capable warships and support ships that are enhancing the fleet’s global reach.  The Chinese navy underway in the South China Sea. (STR/AFP via Getty Images) To hit that 390-ship target, the CBO found that new shipbuilding would cost $40 billion annually, 17 percent more than the Navy’s estimates. CBO attributed the gap to the fact that the Navy didn’t factor costs for refueling nuclear-powered vessels, “outfitting new ships” after delivery or purchasing used sealift vessels, all of which are typically funded via the Navy’s shipbuilding account. There have been long-standing questions about the viability of the Navy’s long-term shipbuilding plans, particularly when it comes to not only building the fleet, but sustaining it. To operate and maintain this bigger fleet, while also buying new aircraft and other weapons, as well as funding the Marine Corps, the Department of the Navy’s total annual budget would need to balloon from its current $255 billion to $340 billion. The CBO also notes that the 2025 Navy plan would cost 46 percent more after adjusting for inflation than the average amount Congress appropriated to the sea service over the past five years. While the Navy received nearly $33 billion for shipbuilding in Fiscal Year 2024 alone, the CBO warns that such funding levels won’t suffice.  “According to the Navy’s estimates, even if the service received annual funding for shipbuilding from 2025 to 2054 that equaled the amount of such funding that it received in each of the past five years—a half-decade during which that funding was at its highest level since the 1980s—the service still could not afford to buy all the ships in its 2025 shipbuilding plan,” the report notes. Cost overruns in general are increasing, the CBO found. For example, in the president’s 2024 budget request, cost overrun funding totaled $3.4 billion for 2024 to 2028. Those cost overruns jumped to $10.4 billion in the 2025 request, according to the CBO. “Unit cost estimates for attack submarines and destroyers are more than 20 percent higher than they were over the past five years,” the report states. “Increased costs in the Virginia and Arleigh Burke class programs appear to have contributed to higher cost estimates for the SSN(X) next-generation attack submarines and the DDG(X) next-generation destroyer. Those higher costs are likely to affect the Navy’s estimates for Columbia class ballistic missile submarines as well, although the 2025 plan does not yet reflect them.” A Congressional Budget Office (CBO) graphic shows how costs for Navy ship programs are growing. (Congressional Budget Office) The CBO report notes that the U.S. shipbuilding industry would have to produce “substantially more naval tonnage” than they have churned out in the past decade, and the rate of nuclear-powered submarine production in particular “would need to increase significantly” to hit the 30-year fleet goal.   While the amount of tonnage under construction at American shipyards increased by 80 percent over the last decade, it would have to increase even more, with submarines, surface combatants and amphibious warfare ships construction needing to increase by 50 percent on average compared to today, according to the CBO.  The long decline of America’s shipbuilding industry largely involves a lack of capacity due to a lack of workers, according to Bradley Martin, a retired surface warfare officer and senior policy researcher with the RAND think tank.  “The Navy probably could not get more ships built [under present conditions], even if it had all the funding in the world to buy them,” Martin told TWZ on Tuesday.  Whether these issues will change under President-elect Donald Trump’s second term remains unclear, but he bemoaned glacial American shipbuilding and delays during an interview with radio host Hugh Hewitt on Tuesday, and blamed the Biden administration for the woes of the Constellation class frigate program. “We don’t build ships anymore,” Trump said. “We want to get that started. And maybe we’ll use allies, also, in terms of building ships. We might have to. We need ships. China’s building, from what I’m hearing, every four days, they’re knocking out a ship. And we’re sitting back watching.” President-elect Donald Trump has criticized U.S. Navy shipbuilding policies under his predecessor. (Getty Images) While American warships must by law be built domestically, the Navy has explored enlisting Korean and Japanese shipyards to repair U.S. ships in the future, as those foreign yards turn out ships faster and cheaper than in the states.  On the sustainment side, South Korean shipbuilder Hanwha Ocean secured a contract in August to overhaul a 40,000-ton U.S. Navy logistics support ship at its Busan facility, a deal believed to be the first of its kind, Breaking Defense’s Justin Katz reported. Looking to foreign shipyards reflects the suboptimal state of American yards. While China has more than 46 percent of the global shipbuilding market and is the largest builder, the U.S. has just 0.13 percent, retired Marine Corps Maj. Jeffrey Seavy noted in the U.S. Naval Institute’s Proceedings publication in April.  “Close allies like Japan and [South Korea] have excellent shipbuilding capacity and capability,” Jan van Tol, a retired warship commander and senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments think tank, told TWZ. “It is very regrettable that Congress would almost surely refuse to let the Navy buy ships from them. I would love to get a dozen Mogami-class frigates to help boost [U.S. Navy] numbers fairly quickly.” Japan pumps out four of those frigates annually, he added.  The Japanese destroyer JS Mogami (FFM-1). (Japan Ministry of Defense) This week’s CBO report also raises questions about whether the planned fleet expansion will come too late. While the CBO analyzes the Navy’s plan to grow its fleet over the next three decades, American military leaders have warned that China’s military plans to be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027, a geopolitical red line that would likely provoke an American military response.  If Beijing actually moves on Taiwan in 2027 or soon after, the Navy’s latest shipbuilding plan sees the battle force fleet actually dipping to a low of 283 ships that year, if the current retirement schedule is followed.  “This plan looks out to 2054, but there is obviously a near-term force size issue as well, given the rising threat in WESTPAC,” van Tol noted. Government decisions dating back to the end of the Cold War have led to today’s Navy scrambling to catch up with China on the naval warfare front. Many of the issues laid out by CBO have been recurring problems for the sea service, and while its brass may want a bigger fleet, a variety of factors continue to stand in the way of it ever reaching that goal.  Contact the author: geoff@twz.com The post Cost Of Navy’s Newest Arleigh Burke Destroyers Is Ballooning appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Amphibious Assault Ships, Arleigh Burke Class, Big Deck Amphibious Assault Ships, Boomers (SSBNs), Carriers, Columbia Class, Constellation Class (FFG-X), Cruisers, Destroyers, Frigates, Littoral Combat Ships, Naval Radars, Naval Sensor Systems, Navies, Nuclear Attack Submarines (SSNs), Sea, SPY-6/EASR, Submarines, U.S. Navy, Virgina Class] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/7/25 3:27pm
Ukraine has claimed that it’s successfully used uncrewed surface vessels (USV), better known as drone boats, to launch aerial drones against Russian targets for the first time. According to Ukrainian authorities, the first-person view (FPV) drones were employed in combat during strikes on Russian ground-based air defense systems. This is the latest development in Ukraine’s Black Sea drone war, which is seeing increasingly innovative use of uncrewed systems, including adapted air-to-air missiles launched from USVs against Russian aircraft. The latest strikes were said to have been carried out by the Ukrainian Navy, which published a video of one of the attacks — which occurred yesterday — against a Pantsir-S1 short-range air defense system (SHORADS). The extent of the damage to the vehicle is not immediately clear, based on this footage. While not independently verified, Russian military bloggers have also stated that Ukraine is now using USVs to launch FPV drones in attacks on targets close to the Black Sea coast. Another no-analogue scrap metal.Ukrainian drones destroyed a Pantsir-S1 air defense system in the Kherson region.: UA Navy pic.twitter.com/Nr01VCzumZ— Defense of Ukraine (@DefenceU) January 6, 2025 In recent time, Russian channels started reporting that the Ukrainians were now employing USVs as FPV drone carriers to attack Russian targets close to the coast.— Status-6 (Military & Conflict News) (@archer83able.bsky.social) 2025-01-06T15:03:09.053Z Ukraine’s Center for Strategic Communication and Information Security (CSCIS), a government-run media organization, today released more details of the strikes, which it describes as the first of this kind. “Only a week after Ukrainian sea drones made history by successfully taking down Russian helicopters, another historical first as our homegrown naval drones are now launching their own FPV drones, destroying Russia’s air defense units,” CSCIS said on social media. Only a week after Ukrainian sea-drones made history by successfully taking down russian helicopters, another historical first as our homegrown naval drones are now launching their own FPV drones, destroying Russias air defense units.The Black Sea will be liberated.— SPRAVDI Stratcom Centre (@stratcomcentre.bsky.social) 2025-01-07T08:37:14.219Z The type of FPV drones used in the strike, as well as the type of USV from which they were launched, have not been disclosed, although an infographic released by CSCIS shows a drone boat that looks broadly similar to the widely used Magura V5, as well as three quadcopter FPV drones. After being brought closer to their targets using the USV, the FPV drones were launched against two Russian Pantsir-S1 systems and one Osa system. All three SHORADS vehicles were located in Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine’s southern Kherson region. The Pantsir-S1 (known in the West as the SA-22 Greyhound) — which you can read more about here — is one of Russia’s latest SHORADS, while the Osa (SA-8 Gecko) is a Cold War-era system, also used by Ukraine. Both are based on a wheeled high-mobility chassis. A Russian Pantsir-S1 SHORADS vehicle during rehearsals of the Victory Day parade on Red Square in Moscow, Russia. Photo by Sasha Mordovets/Getty Images Sasha Mordovets According to The Kyiv Independent, a single Pantsir-S1 system has a price tag of around $15 million. Back in December, the first evidence emerged that Ukraine was using a capability like this, with aerial drones being launched from USVs as part of its campaign of attacks on Russian offshore platforms. Yesterday’s strikes appear to be the first time that targets on land have been engaged in this way. It’s also noteworthy that Ukraine last week used Magura V5 drone boats armed with repurposed R-73 heat-seeking air-to-air missiles to bring down two Russian Mi-8 helicopters and damage another, off the coast of Crimea, an apparently historic engagement that you can read more about here. These developments underscore the importance of drones — especially the numerous FPV types — to the Ukrainian Armed Forces, providing a relatively low-cost and accurate way to compensate for the huge gap in standoff strike weapons and artillery, not to mention manpower when compared to the Russian opposition. In a naval context, the ability of Ukrainian USVs to strike targets on land is a significant one. Previously, drone boats had very limited options for striking targets on land. As well as the kamikaze-type of USVs that have taken a steady toll on Russian shipping, Ukraine has fielded drone boats armed with unguided artillery rockets. However, these have been primarily used to attack targets at sea. Other USVs have been fitted with heavy machine guns. These offer strictly limited range but are also able to engage close-in aerial targets, providing a degree of self-defense. A Ukrainian Sea Baby USV fires a 122mm Grad artillery rocket during testing ashore. SSU/SBU Meanwhile, FPV drones have a maximum range of about a dozen miles, although, in practice, it’s usually much less than that. A limitation of FPV drones is their requirement for continuous line-of-sight communications with their controllers. However, their range can be maximized by avoiding terrain that can interfere with their signal. This is especially relevant in the littoral areas around the Black Sea, with very few line-of-sight obstacles between the drone boat and potential shore targets, maximizing FPV drone range. In some areas, there may also exist the option to use elevated antennas and relays installed on balloons or placed on uncrewed or even crewed aircraft. This would extend the FPV drones’ connectivity much further and provide a more consistent link. You can read all about this in our previous piece here. Another option might be to use a fiber-optic communications link, with the drone spooling out a cable to remain physically connected to its boat mothership, something that has been used in land-based applications in Ukraine. This would completely remove any line-of-sight communications issues between the FPV drone and the boat. The quality of the video in the Pantsir strike points to this possibility. One question surrounds the method of operator control used for the FPV drones. As noted above, most likely, the FPV video and control feed are being routed to the drone boat via line-of-sight datalink or fiber optic cable and then back to a controller via a satellite datalink, although that would introduce a possible issue with latency. Developments with AI infused into lower-end drones could help drastically to solve any connectivity issues. Although this is still very much an emerging technology, it’s one that is likely to soon erupt on the Ukrainian battlefield, should the war grind on. You can read all about this in our special feature here. As well as being used to attack targets that have already been located by other surveillance means, FPV drones are also able to extend the intelligence-gathering capabilities of the drone boats, supplementing the electro-optical and infrared cameras that are already carried. An intact Ukrainian Magura V5 drone boat that was captured by Russia on the shores of the Black Sea. via X Via Twitter The appearance of the FPV-drone-equipped USVs makes sense. So far, Ukrainian USVs have proven to be a serious menace to Russian naval operations in and around the Black Sea. Already, drone boats presented a very real threat to vessels in port, as well as bridges and other coastal infrastructure. Now that threat has been extended further inland, putting Russian troops and equipment that were, until now, relatively safe, potentially in the crosshairs of Ukrainian drones attacking them from their USV springboards in the Black Sea. The threat that Ukrainian USVs pose in the Black Sea has already led to Russia employing varied means of trying to counter them. As well as armed patrols by naval vessels and aircraft, Russia has also experimented with air-launched FPV drones, which are delivered by helicopter before hunting down drone boats, as you can read about here. Because, why not: Special Forces of the Russian Black Sea Fleet training to destroy kamikaze USVs from helicopter using FPV drones. pic.twitter.com/Y34I8jFtP6— Clash Report (@clashreport) September 30, 2024 Having FPVs prosecute kamikaze attacks from uncrewed platforms at sea also makes good economic sense for Ukraine. After all, some of the more capable drone boats are understood to cost hundreds of thousands of dollars apiece, all of which would be lost in an instant if they ended their missions in a one-way attack, successful or otherwise. With weaponized FPV drones on board, each drone boat can potentially launch multiple attacks at a much lower cost and even return home afterward, provided it evades destruction itself. Indeed, the FPV drones could potentially also be recovered, if they are not expended. It should also be recalled that operating aerial drones from boats is not without precedent, at least when it comes to flying them off crewed warships. In this area, Israel has established a lead, although it’s developed bigger and more sophisticated one-way attack drones that can be launched from containers on the decks of small warships, both for domestic use and for export, and which can be operated with man-in-the-loop guidance. Above all, Ukraine’s claim of the successful use of FPV attack drones launched from USVs provides another example of the rapid development of uncrewed systems and tactics across all domains in the war in Ukraine. Considering the unquestioned success of FPV drones launched from the ground, it’s no surprise that Ukraine is now increasingly exploring their employment from uncrewed surface vessels. In the process, it’s bringing together two novel assets that Ukrainian forces have successfully used against the Russian Armed Forces on multiple occasions in the past. Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com The post Ukraine Claims Its Drone Boats Are Now Launching Kamikaze FPV Drones At Russian Shore Targets appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Air, Around The Globe, Europe, Navies, Sea, Ukraine, Ukrainian Navy, Unmanned, Unmanned Surface Vessels (USVs)] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/7/25 3:14pm
By the end of the week, nearly a dozen NATO warships will reportedly begin patrolling the Baltic Sea to protect undersea cables in the region from sabotage. In addition, a U.K.-led 10-member consortium of northern European nations called the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) has reactivated an AI-based system to track suspicious ships in these waters. The actions are a response to the suspected deliberate severing on Christmas Day of the Estlink 2 undersea power cable and four undersea communications cables between Finland and Estonia, which you can read more about in our story here. The Christmas Day cable-breaking incidents are the latest in a series of such events in this strategically important region as tensions with Russia have mounted in the wake of its war on Ukraine. Finnish authorities say the Russian-linked Eagle S purposely dragged its anchor across the sea floor to break those cables. The ship was later found to be full of spy equipment. Finnish authorities detained the ship and its crew, which you can see in the following video. About 10 warships from NATO’s Baltic Fleet as well as from individual member nations will be providing a presence to counter potential saboteurs, according to the Finnish Yie news outlet. They are expected to stay on station until April. Meanwhile, the Gulf of Finland, where the undersea cables were allegedly cut, will continue to be patrolled by Finnish and Estonian naval vessels, Yie explained. NATO has a Standing Naval Maritime Group 1 (SNMG1), a fleet of warships prepared to respond to any threat around the clock. While the group primarily operates in the North and Baltic seas, it will be seen more frequently in the Baltic in the future — particularly due to incidents like the recent damage to the EstLink 2 cable, the Estonian EER news outlet reported. If the Russians see that we are present there, the likelihood of such sabotage acts immediately decreases, because saboteurs can be caught in the act, and once caught, its much easier to deal with them, Arjen Warnaar, the commander of SNMG, told the publication. As we noted after Estlink 2 was cut, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte responded to a request by Finland and Estonia to help protect Estlink 1 by promising the alliance would “enhance” its presence in the Baltic Sea without offering any details. Spoke w/ @alexstubb about the ongoing Finnish-led investigation into possible sabotage of undersea cables. I expressed my full solidarity and support. #NATO will enhance its military presence in the Baltic Sea.— Mark Rutte (@SecGenNATO) December 27, 2024 NATO on Tuesday also declined to provide specifics about its naval presence in the region. “We don’t discuss future operations nor do we discuss specific numbers of ships/assets employed in a given area of operations,” a NATO naval spokesman told The War Zone in response to our questions. “NATO has options and assets from many Allied nations. The Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SHAPE), in close coordination with Allied Joint Force Command Brunssum, Allied Maritime Command, and the involved nations are coordinating the employment of those options and assets.”  The spokesman added that “we’ve had persistent military presence in the Baltic Sea and that is something that will continue in full support of our Baltic allies. We will continue to work with our allies to determine options and assets to maintain an enduring military presence.” In addition to NATOs beefed-up naval presence in the Baltics, JEF last week activated Nordic Warden, “an advanced UK-led reaction system to track potential threats to undersea infrastructure and monitor the Russian shadow fleet, following reported damage to a major undersea cable in the Baltic Sea,” the U.K. Defense Ministry (MoD) said on Monday. The system was set up to protect critical undersea infrastructure and “harnesses AI to assess data from a range of sources, including the Automatic Identification System (AIS) ships use to broadcast their position, to calculate the risk posed by each vessel entering areas of interest,” according to the MoD. The JEF action reinforces existing and planned NATO responses.” Specific vessels identified as being part of Russia’s shadow fleet of oil tankers “have been registered into the system so they can be closely monitored when approaching key areas of interest,” the MoD noted. “If a potential risk is assessed, the system will monitor the suspicious vessel in real-time and immediately send out a warning, which will be shared with JEF participant nations as well as NATO Allies.” JEF is currently monitoring 22 areas of interest – “including parts of the English Channel, North Sea, Kattegat, and Baltic Sea” from its operational headquarters in Northwood, the MoD explained. The system involves ships, aircraft, and personnel from JEF participant nations operating from the North Atlantic Ocean to the Baltic Sea. The U.K.-led Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) monitors 22 areas for suspicious activities, including parts of the English Channel and the North and Baltic seas. (Google Earth) The Nordic Warden system had an initial test run last summer and again in the fall during JEF’s Exercise Joint Protector, which saw more than 300 UK personnel deploy to Latvia to demonstrate the ability of the U.K. to deploy its operational headquarters for JEF abroad at short notice. “Harnessing the power of AI, this UK-led system is a major innovation which allows us the unprecedented ability to monitor large areas of the sea with a comparatively small number of resources, helping us stay secure at home and strong abroad,” U.K. Defense Secretary John Healey stated on Monday. Royal Danish Navy Absalon-class frigate HDMS Esbern Snare taking part in a JEF exercise. (JEF) In addition to Nordic Warden, the Gulf of Finland has had a ship reporting system in place, known as GOFREP, for the past 15 years, according to EER.  “Under this system, every ship entering the Gulf must report its destination and their movements are closely monitored. If a vessel deviates from its route, it may be stopped,” according to the publication. “Surveillance of the Gulf of Finland is so thorough that even if a ship switches off all its identification systems, it will still appear on radar. Authorities pay special attention to ships that attempt to navigate ‘blind’ without transmitting identification signals.” The Estlink incident is one of many involving suspected Russian and Chinese attacks on undersea infrastructure. Last week, the Chinese-owned vessel Shunxin-39 was suspected of severing an undersea cable off the Taiwanese coast, according to authorities on the island. Taiwan’s coast guard requested that the cargo ship return to shore for an investigation, but it eventually continued its passage. Taiwans coast guard said the Chinese-owned Shunxin-39 severed an undersea telecom cable last week. (Twitter) In November, Germany said damage to two communication cables running under the Baltic Sea was most likely the result of sabotage. The two cables in question are both fiber-optic communication cables, running along the Baltic seabed. One of these runs between the Swedish island of Gotland and Lithuania, and the other between Finland and Germany. Gotland is about 280 miles southwest of where the Estlink 2 cable was severed. A day later, Denmark confirmed it was monitoring a Chinese cargo vessel at the center of allegations surrounding that damage. The 735-foot-long Yi Peng 3 was identified as operating near the cables when the incidents occurred. The Chinese vessel had departed the Russian port of Ust-Luga, in the Leningrad region, close to the Estonian border, on Nov. 15 and had been scheduled to sail to Port Said, Egypt, where it was originally due to arrive on Dec. 3. Based on publicly available ship-tracking data, the Yi Peng 3 appears to have passed overhead both of the cables around the same time incidents of damage were first reported. The Chinese bulk carrier Yi Peng 3 was anchored and monitored by a Danish naval patrol vessel (unseen) in the sea of Kattegat, near the City og Granaa in Jutland, Denmark, on November 20, 2024. (Photo by Mikkel Berg Pedersen / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) / Denmark OUT MIKKEL BERG PEDERSEN Other suspicious activities have taken place in the Baltic Sea, including suspected sabotage. The most notorious of these was a series of explosions along the Nord Stream gas pipelines in 2022. The cause of these is still being investigated by German authorities, however, The Wall Street Journal reported in August that it was a Ukrainian sabotage operation. Ukrainian officials denied that accusation. Outside of the Baltic, there have been other incidents of reported sabotage of critical communications cables, including one associated with Evenes Air Station, in northern Norway, which happened in April but was only disclosed in August, as TWZ reported at the time. Norway has encountered other suspicious incidents, notably the cutting of a vital undersea cable connecting Svalbard to mainland Norway in 2022. As NATO nations react to the cable cut, Finland continues its investigation into Eagle S, a 750-foot-long, Cook Island-flagged tanker carrying Russian oil. The ship’s anchor was found next to drag marks near where Estlink 2 was severed, according to the Yie news outlet. The Swedish Navys HMS Belos lifted the anchor from the seabed. The Swedish Navy ship HMS Belos found the anchor of the Eagle S, a Russian-linked oil tanker suspected of severing Estlink 2 four undersea telecom cables. (Finnish Navy) “A drag mark several tens of kilometers long has been found following the anchor,” the general director of the investigation, Chief Inspector of Criminal Investigations Risto Lohi, said in a statement. “The anchor was found on the route taken by the Eagle S, near Porkkalanniemi.”  https://t.co/TujSi67m4V— Tomi (@TallbarFIN) January 7, 2025 Fixing Estlink 2 is likely to take several months. On Monday, Finnish officials announced that two of the four telecom cables that had been cut were repaired. Investigators suspect an oil tanker named Eagle S of the sabotage, accusing the vessel of transporting Russian oil products that are embargoed over Russias invasion of Ukraine.https://t.co/AyQmKP2QiC— The Moscow Times (@MoscowTimes) January 6, 2025 The status of additional NATO naval presence in the Baltics to protect the region’s undersea infrastructure should come into clearer focus next week. “I would suspect NATO and national responses to such destabilizing actions will be discussed during next week’s Allied Chiefs of Defence Meeting with Partners in Brussels,” SHAPE spokesman Army Col. Martin L. O’Donnell told The War Zone on Tuesday. “After all, the first session will see Gen. [Christopher G.] Cavoli [Supreme Allied Commander Europe] brief the Chiefs of Defense on NATO’s readiness to deter and defend the Euro-Atlantic area and to safeguard the region’s one billion inhabitants.” Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com The post NATO Boosting Naval Presence And AI Monitoring In Baltic Sea After Undersea Cables Cut appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: News & Features, Around The Globe, Baltic Sea, Europe, Russia, Sea] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/7/25 1:44pm
More new versions of the B61 nuclear bomb could be on the horizon for the U.S. military. This is in addition to the planned B61-13 announced in 2023 and might include a true successor to the highly specialized deep-penetration B61-11 variant. The U.S. Air Forces Nuclear Weapon Center (AFNWC) included explicit mention of potential future variants separate from the B61-12, the production of which is now complete, and the previously announced B61-13 in a recent contracting notice. The B61 series is currently one of the oldest family of nuclear weapons still in operational U.S. inventory. The United States Air Force Nuclear Weapons Center (AFNWC) is seeking to expand its sustainment and support services for the B61 nuclear gravity bomb, currently provided via the B61-12 Tail Kit Assembly (TKA) Surveillance and Sustainment Support (BTS3) [contract], the notice explains. Specifically, AFNWC contemplates a contract modification to incorporate the B61-13 and any future variants and/or modifications. The B61-12s most substantial difference from previous versions of the B61 is the addition of the TKA, which includes an inertial navigation system (INS) guidance package. However, not all aircraft set to be capable of employing the B61-12 will be able to use it in its guided mode, as you can read more about here. A picture of a test B61-12 loaded onto an F-15E Strike Eagle with the TKA highlighted. DOD Otherwise, the B61-12s feature a variety of other improvements, the details of which are largely classified, in addition to reusing refurbishing components from earlier B61 variants they are set to replace. The 12-foot-long and 825-pound bombs notoriously cost more than their weight in gold. The B61-13 will leverage the B61-12 design, including the TKA, but with a higher yield, something we will come back to later on. The B61-13 and future variants will require highly specialized engineering and logistics services to ensure their continued safety, security, and reliability, the AFNWCs recent contracting notice adds. The AFNWC requires contract support that can adapt to the evolving requirements of the B61 program, and which can ensure the successful sustainment of the B61-13 and future variants. Though the Air Forces contracting notice does not elaborate on what additional variants of the B61 there might be interest in, it does highlight long-standing questions about the fate of the B61-11 and plans for a true successor. The B61-11, which entered service in 1997, is significantly different in form and function from other variants with a substantially reinforced outer shell, possibly with a depleted uranium penetrating nose section, and a rocket booster at the rear to help it penetrate down to underground facilities. There are reportedly less than 100 of these bombs in the stockpile. Wonder how the B61-12 will perform as an earth penetrating weapon? The B61-11 has add features (see photos) to enhance performance in that role. The B61-12 appears to lack these. E.g. Tail Flare & enhanced stronger casing. pic.twitter.com/fzB6dMEHtx— Casillic (@Casillic) August 27, 2018 It had been suggested in the past that the B61-12 might be able to supplant the B61-11, as well as the much more powerful megaton class B83-1, since the new bomb could be employed much more precisely. The ability to better focus the new bombs blast against deeply buried targets would make up for its lack of specialized penetrating capability and lower maximum yield. The B61-12 is a so-called dial-a-yield nuclear weapon with multiple yield settings, the highest of which is said to be 50 kilotons. Sources differ on the maximum yield of the B61-11, but it is said to either be between 340 and 360 kilotons (identical to that of the B61-7) or be closer to 400 kilotons. By 2018, the U.S. government had clearly abandoned this position, with the B61-12 said to be in line to replace B61-3, -4, -7, and -10 variants only at that time. In 2023, the U.S. military announced plans for the B61-13, which is expected to have a maximum yield in line with the existing B61-7, explicitly to replace a portion of those older bombs and provide the President with additional options against certain harder and large-area military targets. There is currently no life-extension program for the B61-11. The plan might be to allow it to age out, Hans Kristensen and Matt Korda at the Federation of American Scientists (FAS) think tank in Washington, D.C., wrote after the announcement of plans for the B61-13. Officials say the B61-13 plan does not preclude that the United States potentially decides in the future to field a new nuclear earth-penetrator to replace the B61-11. But there is no decision on this yet. One specific potential target, Russias Kosvinsky Kamen bunker, is understood to have been a key driver behind the B61-11s development. The Kosvinsky Kamen facility is situated underneath a mountain and is part of the Russian nuclear command and control enterprise. It could also serve as a so-called “continuity of government” site to protect senior leadership from a nuclear strike or in response to some other major emergency. Russia has at least one other bunker complex under a mountain, as well as other deeply buried sites used for nuclear command and control and other purposes. China, the U.S. militarys current chief competitor and pacing threat, has also been expanding its own array of subterranean facilities, including the construction of vast fields of new intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) silos in recent years. Details about the state of new IBCM silo fields in northern China as assessed by the U.S. military per an annual report released in December 2024. DOD Smaller countries like North Korea and Iran have also been increasingly turning to deeply buried facilities, in many cases in direct response to concerns about potential conventional strikes by the U.S. military and others. As noted, the U.S. military has explicitly said the planned B61-13 is intended to help offer additional capacity to strike hardened targets underground, as well as larger ones on the surface. However, it is still not expected anywhere near the same kind of specialized capability found on the B61-11. It is also worth noting that its not entirely clear how the tail-mounted guidance package found on the B61-12 and -13 could be blended together with the rocket booster at the rear of the B61-11, and a true successor to the latter bomb might have a substantially different overall design. The U.S. military could also have an interest in pursuing other future B61 variants offering different capabilities, including ones focused on employment with lower yield settings. The U.S. Navy has already fielded Trident II submarine-launched ballistic missiles with a dedicated lower-yield W76-2 warhead. Advocates say this offers valuable additional flexibility for managing escalation in any future nuclear scenario, but critics have questioned the real utility of such weapons, as you can read more about here. Personnel at the Pantex plant in Texas load a Mk 4A reentry vehicle containing a W76-1 warhead into a container for transport. The W76-2 warhead fits inside the same reentry vehicle. NNSA New guidance requires that all plans for responding to limited nuclear attack or significant, high-consequence non-nuclear attack that has strategic-level effect [must] include an associated concept for favorably managing escalation, including reducing the likelihood of a large-scale nuclear attack against the United States or its allies and partners, according to an unclassified report on the current Nuclear Employment Strategy of the United States that the Pentagon released last November. This escalation management is increasingly important as the operating environment becomes more complex and creates the possibility of pathways for conflict escalation that may not be well understood or easy to predict. The Pentagons Defense Science Board (DSB) also announced last November that it had initiated a new study into the Nuclear Survivability of the Joint Force. Russias threats of the use of nuclear weapons around the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, as well as North Koreas nuclear program and Iranian developments were cited as key drivers. In the event of an adversarys use of a nuclear weapon, particularly if the weapon is used against a U.S. ally, the U.S. military may be called upon to respond and contribute to the defeat of an adversary, according to an unclassified DSB memo about the new nuclear operations study. Alternatively, the United States may already be embroiled in a conventional conflict that escalates to nuclear use, putting the warfighter at risk. Continuing to operate after an adversary uses a nuclear weapon will present challenges for the Department of Defense (DoD), beginning with the survivability of U.S. forces, including both personnel and equipment, the DSB memo added. As the DoD undertakes several efforts to modernize and/or acquire new nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities, and as the DoD plans and exercises for major contingencies against nuclear-armed adversaries, consideration must be given to the full range of nuclear survivability options. Other capabilities increasingly found on modern conventional bombs, such as range-extending wing kits, might find their way onto future versions of the B61, too. It remains to be seen how the already long-serving B61 family may further evolve in response to these and other operational and geopolitical realities. The recent Air Force contracting notice is the latest hint that more versions, including a real replacement for the B61-11, could be coming down the line. Contact the author: joe@twz.com The post Hints At More B61 Nuclear Bomb Variants In The U.S. Militarys Future appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, Air Force Munitions, Air-To-Ground, B61, B61-12, Bunker Busters, Bunkers & Installations, News & Features, Nuclear, Nuclear Bombs, Nuclear Command And Control, Nuclear Policy, Nuclear Warheads] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/7/25 11:06am
Chinas aviation industry closed out 2024 with the stunning debut of two previously unseen stealthy combat jets. The countrys two preeminent fighter manufacturers, the Chengdu Aircraft Corporation and the Shenyang Aircraft Corporation, are understood to each be responsible for one of them. Now, a recent satellite image shows what looks to be yet another next-generation fighter-like airframe or mockup at Shenyangs main plant in the city of the same name. Planet Labs snapped the satellite image in question on January 1. It shows the object, which is roughly 50 feet (or 15 meters) long and has a slightly wider wingspan, on a small ramp just off the main taxiway at the northern end of the Shenyang plant co-located airfield. It has a modified diamond-like delta platform with a broad central fuselage, which appears to feature two top-mounted engine nacelles. No tail is visible in the image. A slender, pointed nose emanates from the main fuselage area. The exhausts appear to have a wedge-like contour to their trailing edge. No landing gear is visible in the shadow, but that does not mean it isnt there based on the resolution of the image and the angle of the light. PHOTO © 2024 PLANET LABS INC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. REPRINTED BY PERMISSION The object has a yellow or tan coloring, and China does use a distinctive yellow primer for prototype military aircraft. More recent imagery available from Planet does not provide sufficient detail to offer any more insights into the object or show whether or not it has moved since then. The intriguing object seen at Shenyang on January 1 could be another concept for a next-generation manned tactical combat jet, one in the medium weight class compared to the heavier designs we have seen so recently, or an uncrewed combat air vehicle (UCAV). Crewed or uncrewed, it could also be a demonstrator or just a mockup, or something else completely. It could also be used as a decoy to throw off foreign intelligence. We really cant tell from what is available to us now. Regardless, the object has a distinctly different overall shape than the Flanker variants and derivatives that constitute the bulk of Shenyangs current production output or the members of its stealthy FC-31/J-35 family. It is also unlike the advanced tailless design attributed to the company that emerged last month. A composite image showing different views of the advanced combat jet attributed to Shenyang that broke cover in December. Chinese Internet via X There are some similarities, but also clear differences between what has now been seen at Shenyang and another airframe/test article/mockup that appeared in satellite imagery of the airfield adjacent to Chengdus main plant back in 2021. It also recalls what looked to be mockups or even full-scale decoys that emerged at Chinas remote Lintao Air Base the following year, though those had their own distinct shape, including forward canards and extremely slender noses. Satellite images of Chengdu taken in 2021 showing an airframe/test article that is similar, but distinctly different from the one that has now been seen at Shenyang. PHOTO © 2021 PLANET LABS INC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. REPRINTED BY PERMISSION The still unidentified shapes seen at Lintao Air Base in 2022. PHOTO © 2022 PLANET LABS INC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. REPRINTED BY PERMISSION There are also some very broad similarities in certain respects between what has emerged at Shenyang and concept art of Lockheed Martins X-44 MANTA (Multi-Axis No-Tail Aircraft) from the late 1990s and early 2000s. The MANTA design was derived from the F-22 Raptor stealth fighter and, at least to our knowledge, never came to be. Artists conceptions of the X-44 MANTA. Lockheed Martin/NASA Separate satellite imagery has also now emerged showing what looks to be a large black-colored mockup on the deck of Chinas full-size land-based aircraft carrier test facility in Wuhan. Mockups of a Shenyang J-15 carrier-based Flanker variant and a J-35 are also visible. It isnt clear what this shape is supposed to represent, but we have seen mockups of upcoming carrier-based aircraft show up at this unique facility in the past. Probably way too hasty, but doesnt this look like a new fighter mock-up on the 004 (?) mock-up in Wuhan?And it was also visible on the image taken in November. pic.twitter.com/xeZpEsaL8g— @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) January 7, 2025 As is clear, curious aerospace-related objects have appeared at Chinese facilities in the past, even before the emergence of the two new stealth combat jet designs last month. Those aircraft already reflected years now of steadily more advanced crewed and uncrewed military aviation developments in China, as well as a broader modernization push across the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) as a whole. It would make good sense that Shenyang and Chengdu, as well as other Chinese state-run aircraft companies, are working on other advanced designs, including in the classified realm, or have even worked on and moved on from concepts that still have yet to be officially disclosed, if they ever are. Following the December reveals, eyes are still very much on China to see if anything else emerges. So, while the exact nature of what weve now seen in the satellite image of Shenyang remains unclear, its appearance there now is certainly of note. Contact the author: joe@twz.com The post Tailless Fighter-Like Airframe Appears At Chinese Jet Manufacturer Shenyangs Main Plant appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, Around The Globe, China, Drones, Fighters, Indo-Pacific, News & Features, Satellite Imagery, Stealth, UCAVs, Unmanned] [Link to media]

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[l] at 1/6/25 5:07pm
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have provided an even better look at the previously secretive remote vision system that is central to the operation of the Israeli Air Force’s critical Boeing 707 tanker fleet. TWZ has previously looked at this system — used by the boom operator to see what is happening at the rear of the aircraft while connecting the boom with the receiving aircraft — but the actual operator interface has, as far as we know, never been seen in such detail. View this post on Instagram A post shared by צהל צבא ההגנה לישראל (@idfonline) The new imagery comes from an official IDF video that features the 707 tanker — known locally by the Hebrew name Re’em, meaning oryx — and which was published to coincide with its 60th anniversary. The footage shows details including the fuel tanks in the cargo hold and the boom. The internal tanks can also be removed, allowing the aircraft to be reconfigured as transports, including with airliner-style passenger seating. Most interesting, though, is the boom operator’s position, with the remote vision system, or RVS interface. Fuel tanks in the cargo hold of an Israeli 707 tanker. IDF screencap This includes control sticks on either side and a foot-operated communications system, meaning the boomer’s hands are kept free to operate the console. The boomer’s screen is relatively large and surrounded by what appear to be exclusively analog instruments — a reflection of the overall age of the installation. The RVS console in the cabin of an Israeli 707 tanker. IDF screencap IDF screencap We got a previous view of the screen of the remote vision system back in September 2024, in a video showing portions of a long-range strike mission flown against Houthi targets in Yemen. You can read that earlier analysis here. A view of the Re’em’s RVS provided by the IDF in a video released in September 2024. IDF screencap In July of the same year, after the 707 supported another long-range IAF raid on Yemen, the IDF released video from the RVS camera feed itself, although not of the actual boomer interface that controls the system. Overall, the console used on the Israeli 707 makes a fascinating comparison with the much more modern iteration of the same technology that’s now used on the U.S. Air Force’s KC-46 Pegasus. Of course, the specific technology used in the KC-46 has gained something close to notoriety, since the complex Remote Vision System (RVS) has proven to be a particular source of problems for that program. Cameras for the Israeli RVS in the tail of the 707 tanker. IDF screencap As we can see in the IDF video, as in the KC-46, the Israeli 707 boom operator goes about their work from a station in the main cabin, aided by an array of cameras at the rear of the aircraft that feeds into the RVS. A key difference in the KC-46 is the use of a hybrid 2D/3D system, requiring the operators to wear special glasses, whereas the 707 RVS has just a single monitor. Boom operators sit at their workstations wearing their specialized glasses in the main cabin of a KC-46A. U.S. Air Force As we discussed in our previous coverage of the Israeli RVS, it’s nothing short of surprising that this earlier concept has been serving for decades in a very high-stakes role, while the U.S. Air Force still waits for a revised system in the KC-46: Perhaps the most surprising facet of this is that Israel developed and fielded a remote vision system that seems to function without any lingering difficulties, and did so many years ago, while the U.S. version used in the KC-46 is still mired in delays. We still don’t know exactly how bad the teething of this older Israeli system was when it was introduced many years ago. Another modern remote vision system has meanwhile also been developed and introduced by Airbus, on the A330 Multi-Role Tanker Transport (MRTT). An Israeli Air Force 707 assigned to 120 Squadron, from Nevatim Air Base, Israel, takes off for a mission during Red Flag-Nellis 23-2 at Nellis Air Force Base, Nevada, March 20, 2023. U.S. Air Force Whatever the story of the Israeli RVS, its days in service now appear to be numbered — ironically, the 707 will be superseded by the KC-46. An initial eight of these aircraft have been ordered and they are almost certain to be provided with the next-generation RVS installed — the 2.0 version of the system is expected to be delivered starting in April 2026. While Israel might decide to continue operating the 707s for a while, to supplement the KC-46, these are, by now, aging platforms, and the most worn-out examples are already being retired. A rendering of an Israeli KC-46 refueling an F-15 fighter. Boeing As for the IAF 707 Re’em fleet, this began to enter service in 1979, with then-newer 707-300 airframes replacing the previous 707-100s. These aircraft were bought from commercial airlines before being modified locally for aerial refueling. The conversion was done by Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI). Additional airframes were acquired and upgraded to tankers as recently as the 2010s. In addition to vital aerial refueling, which is fundamental for allowing the Israeli Air Force to conduct long-range strikes, the 707 also has an important role as a command-and-control station and communications node. The aircraft carries a satellite communications suite to provide critical, secure beyond-line-of-sight comms with appropriately equipped tactical aircraft like the F-15 and F-16 and command centers far away. This is also highly important for long-range strike operations. An Israeli Air Force Boeing 707 tanker demonstrates refueling hookups with F-15 fighters over Hatzerim Air Base. JACK GUEZ/AFP via Getty Images Today, Israel is understood to have no more than seven 707 tankers in service, meaning that these assets are more precious to the service than ever. As Israel moves toward phasing out these enduring aircraft, we may well start to learn more about its operations and some of its more sensitive technologies, like the RVS, that have helped it remain the backbone of the Israeli Air Force’s long-range strike capabilities since the early 1980s. Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com The post Our Best Look So Far Inside Israel’s Once Secretive 707 Tankers appeared first on The War Zone.

[Category: Air, Air Forces, Israeli Air Force, KC-46, Tankers] [Link to media]

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