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Defense Breaking
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[l] at 11/6/26 11:59am
In early October, the US Army descended on downtown Washington for the annual AUSA conference, Americas largest defense industry gathering of the year. Pentagon leaders spoke, the Army outlined its vision for the next year, and an uncountable number of drones, missiles and large vehicles were displayed on the show floor. It was a lot, which is why Breaking Defense has created a new eBook called AUSA 2026: The Ground Truth — After-Action Report, which you can now download, free of charge and with no registration.

[Category: Land Warfare, Army, AUSA 2026 Ground Truth]

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[l] at 11/6/26 11:41am
WASHINGTON ― The Space Force, in partnership with the Pentagons Golden Dome office, has tapped Viasat to build a Missions Operation Center (MOC) to integrate multiple satellite constellations and manage data traffic through the nascent Space Data Network (SDN) Backbone, the service announced. The company has been awarded an indefinite delivery/indefinite quantity contract with a ceiling of $450 million to design, field, and scale the center, Space Systems Command said in a Thursday press release. In this role, Viasat, Inc. will serve as the network and mission system integration partner as SSC expands its open-architecture ecosystem across multiple space-segment providers. The MOC will serve as the central network orchestration hub for the SDN Backbone, a constellation of low Earth orbit satellites being built by SpaceX to provide high-speed, low-latency communications. The backbone constellation is designed as the glue connecting the Space Data Networks broader architecture of disparate military, and eventually commercial, space-based sensor and communications satellites with decision-makers and weapons platforms. The networks near-term focus will be on supporting the Trump administrations Golden Dome missile defense initiative. Network orchestration enables autonomous shifting of data among the various satellite constellations in various orbits and down to the multiple ground stations supporting them, allowing data to “hop” from one constellation to another in the event of a slowdown in transmission due to bandwidth congestion or adversary jamming. In essence, the MOC will function as a modern-day, software-run equivalent to an old-time telephone exchange where multiple human operators patched together phone calls via cables and provided troubleshooting services when calls failed. An overview of the Space Forces planned Space Data Network for linking space-based sensors to shooters across all domains. (Image: Space Systems Command) The MOC will bring together mission integration, network operations, and data transport management across a growing multi-vendor architecture, the SSC release said. According to the release, the MOC will provid the SDN Backbone with: Multi-Vendor Orchestration: Integrates disparate satellite systems into a unified communications network. Multi-Domain Joint Connectivity: Supports high-speed, low-latency, and cyber-resilient data paths for users across air, land, sea, and space. Real-Time Priority Routing: Enables dynamic data management and routing based on mission priorities through network operations infrastructure. “The MOC establishes the mission operations layer needed to integrate the diverse space data transport and space exchange systems being developed across related efforts,” said Lt. Col. Alexa Eggert, materiel leader for the SDN Backbone program at SSCs Space Based Sensing and Targeting Portfolio Acquisition Executive office, in a statement. “By bringing the systems together in one place, it positions us to deliver a more integrated mission capability across multiple constellations and systems.

[Category: Space, Defense Department, Golden Dome, satellite communications, Space Data Network, Space Data Network Backbone, Space Force]

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[l] at 11/6/26 10:51am
The collapse of Europe’s Franco-German-Spanish sixth-generation fighter program has left Germany searching for a new path, France possibly pursuing its own aircraft, and the UK-led Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) as the continent’s only remaining multinational next-generation fighter effort. Meanwhile, the emergence of collaborative combat aircraft (CCA) is raising a fundamental question for European air forces: How much of their future combat capability needs to depend on traditional fighter jets? The decisions come as European governments increase defense spending in response to Russian aggressiveness, reassess their dependence on American technology and support, and confront the cost of replacing aging aircraft. What emerges will determine not only the composition of Europe’s air fleets for decades, but also which countries control the technology, production, and sustainment of their combat aircraft. In a four-part Breaking Defense video roundtable series on European airpower, Editor-in-Chief Aaron Mehta examined those issues with Douglas Barrie of the International Institute for Strategic Studies and Breaking Defense Europe Co-Editors Tim Martin and Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo. A separate conversation with Dave Alexander, president of General Atomics Aeronautical Systems, explored how industry is responding to Europe’s growing demand for unmanned capabilities. Together, the discussions point toward a future combining upgraded fourth-generation fighters, F-35s, new sixth-generation aircraft, and a growing assortment of drones. The challenge is how European governments will afford, integrate, and sustain that mix while preserving sovereign control over critical military technologies. Europes Existing Fighters Are Far From Over Europe’s fighter-modernization challenge extends beyond developing sixth-generation aircraft. Governments must decide how much to invest in their existing fleets, what new capabilities are needed to counter emerging threats, and how to integrate crewed and unmanned systems into an airpower strategy that can meet both near-term operational demands and longer-term requirements. “The Europeans are moving, if you like, from Rafael, Typhoon, Grippin, but at a pace where those aircraft are going to be in service well into the 2040s, possibly in some cases beyond,” said Barrie. “At the same time, obviously, the F-35 is appearing more and more in European air forces.” Russia’s military threat is accelerating modernization across the continent, but national priorities differ. Countries bordering Russia such as the Baltic states are emphasizing smaller drones and expanding operator training across their armed forces. Larger European powers are investing in more sophisticated unmanned aircraft intended to operate alongside conventional fighters. Lessons from Ukraine are also demonstrating the need to balance inexpensive first-person-view (FPV) drones with longer-range strike systems and traditional airpower. Gosselin-Malo emphasized the importance of not putting all your eggs into one basket, noting that FPV drones alone cannot deliver the range of capabilities required for modern warfare.  That mix is necessary as European governments seek to expand combat mass without relying entirely on additional crewed fighters. This also creates opportunities for domestic manufacturers to develop new aircraft and mission systems while established fighter programs continue production and modernization. The Sixth-Generation Fighter Dilemma The falling out among France, Germany, and Spain over the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) program has fundamentally changed Europe’s next-generation fighter landscape. Political disagreements and disputes over industrial responsibilities undermined the effort, leaving the UK/Italy/Japan GCAP program as the principal, remaining multinational sixth-generation fighter effort involving European countries. France is expected to pursue its own aircraft, while Germany must decide whether to join another partnership, pursue a national program, or redirect investment toward other capabilities. GCAP is targeting 2035 for entry into service, a schedule driven largely by Japan’s need to replace its Mitsubishi F-2 fighters. There have been thoughts of adding partners to the program, though that would complicate negotiations over production, financing, and technology responsibilities, potentially delaying that timeline. Canada’s decision to become an observer in GCAP provides a way to evaluate the program without immediately entering those negotiations. Even among the existing partners, industrial workshare remains unresolved. Martin reported that GCAP executives at the Farnborough Airshow acknowledged that “the workshare arrangements havent been agreed yet and thatll come at the end of the concept phase.” Similar hanging issues contributed to FCAS’s failure, although Barrie also pointed to the political structure underpinning the program. Changes in national leadership made it increasingly difficult to maintain agreement among participating governments and manufacturers. Germany now represents one of the most consequential uncertainties, given the financial resources it could bring to another fighter program. “If you look at the sheer financial firepower Germany is bringing to defense right now, it is the kingmaker in a lot of ways,” said Mehta. Airbus has signaled that any future arrangement must offer meaningful industrial participation. At the same time, additional F-35 purchases remain an option. Sweden’s Saab continues to deliver new JAS 39 Gripens while continuing exploratory research on its own next-generation fighter technologies. The choices facing Germany and Sweden illustrate Europe’s longstanding difficulty reconciling national industrial priorities with the cost and complexity of developing advanced combat aircraft. Joining an existing program may reduce development costs, but also limits the influence a new participant can exert over its design and manufacturing responsibilities. Members of the Air Force and Ohio Air National Guard look at laptops during field prototype testing evaluation for the Collaborative Combat Aircraft Portable Command and Control Enclave. (U.S. Air National Guard photo by Shane Hughes, 178th Wing). Unmanned Aircraft Offer Another Path Collaborative combat aircraft are emerging as another way for European air forces to increase combat capability without developing an entirely new crewed fighter. Designed to operate alongside manned platforms, CCAs could extend sensor coverage, carry weapons, support electronic warfare, and undertake missions that would permit crewed aircraft to operate at standoff distance.  CCAs, however, are substantially more complex and costly than the drones being used extensively in Ukraine. Barrie estimated that a CCA could cost about one-quarter of a crewed fighter, so equipping manned craft with multiple CCAs would represent a substantial additional investment. Germany is aiming to field a CCA capability in 2029, potentially making it the first European country to operate such aircraft, according to Martin, while the UK has similarly committed funding for development. Still, Germany’s Luftwaffe leadership continues to emphasize the need for a sixth-generation crewed fighter, suggesting that unmanned aircraft will initially supplement rather than replace traditional combat aviation. During the discussion, Mehta raised the possibility that Germany and other European countries could instead concentrate their resources on developing CCAs, continuing to operate existing fighters, and eventually acquiring a sixth-generation crewed aircraft developed elsewhere. That approach could offer an alternative to the industrial and political complications of another multinational fighter program, although it would require governments to reconsider the importance of independently developing a crewed combat aircraft. This is where the case for sovereign control of mission software and electronic systems comes in. European operators of American aircraft including the F-35, however, may face restrictions on independently modifying certain capabilities, potentially slowing upgrades. General Atomics Sees Industrial Sovereignty Driving Demand The emphasis on national control is already influencing how American manufacturers approach Europe’s unmanned aircraft market. General Atomics has built a European presence through its MQ-9 family, extending that experience into development of CCAs and additional mission capabilities traditionally performed by crewed platforms. Industrial cooperation is central to that strategy, including European production of aircraft components, integration of locally developed sensors, and domestic maintenance and repair capability. “You can go in there and have the best system in the world, but if youre not willing to open up and make it theirs, make it their own, its not going to go anywhere,” said Alexander, emphasizing sustainment as an element of sovereignty. With aircraft potentially operating for 40 years, domestic maintenance and repair capabilities can be as important to a customer as participation in manufacturing, he noted. General Atomics sees growing opportunities for its MQ-9B in maritime surveillance, anti-submarine warfare, and airborne early warning, where long endurance and lower operating costs could provide alternatives to larger crewed aircraft. The same industrial approach is shaping its CCA offering, particularly as European requirements diverge from those driving US Air Force development. “Most of the CCA customers are looking for air to ground, not air to air,” Alexander said, pointing to GA’s Gambit family of six variants built around capabilities such as ISR or strike that can integrate local payloads rather than depend entirely on US-developed mission equipment and software.  He emphasized that European countries could contribute their own artificial intelligence and autonomy capabilities, allowing them to adapt the platform to national requirements. That approach could also provide a path for European companies to participate in CCA development without building an entirely new aircraft, in the same way that the Netherlands has joined the US Air Force CCA program to provide wingmen for its Royal Netherlands Air Force F-35As. See here for the video roundtable series on European airpower.

[Category: Air Warfare, Air Force, Air National Guard, collaborative combat aircraft, electronic warfare (EW), Europe, European Airpower Roundtable, EW, F-35, GCAP, Unmanned]

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[l] at 11/6/26 9:55am
PORTLAND, Maine — US President Donald Trump’s statement that he would be ending aid to Israel by the end of 2026 has been met largely with confusion and non-comments within Jerusalem, as it is unclear exactly what he meant or how that plan would go into effect. However, if aid is cut off, it would have a negative impact on Israeli defense spending and the ability to quickly procure new weapon systems, analysts told Breaking Defense this week. Israel receives $4 billion in Foreign Military Financing (FMF) money — funds that are gifted from the US to a partner country which must be reinvested in American weapons — annually as part of a ten-year agreement reached during the Obama administration. That agreement expires next year, so there has been an expectation that something would change; Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has for months been focusing on Israel becoming more self-sufficient during the recent war, advocating for Israel to be a “super Sparta” in the region.   But the sudden announcement from Trump comes at a delicate time for Netanyahu, who is trying to form a government following an Oct. 27 election. Opposition leaders slammed the prime minister in the wake of the US statement. It also reflects a growing anti-Israel sentiment in the United States on both sides of the political aisle. Trump made the announcement on election day, in what some viewed as a last minute attempt to woo voters, and days after Trump’s statement, US Vice President JD Vance pointed to the need to change the US relationship with Israel as an issue.   Gadi Eisenkot, the former IDF chief of staff who is the leading contender to replace Netanyahu, said the US announcement reflects badly on Netanyahu, noting that “the fact that the security establishment, along with Israeli citizens, is learning about a change in the strategic relationship framework through the media highlights just how much Benjamin Netanyahus conduct poses a genuine danger.” On a structural level, “Ending aid wont necessarily change anything immediately, but it does make deals for different weaponry a little more complicated to be able to get for them approval,” Yaakov Katz, a fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute and author of Shadow Strike, a book about Israel’s raid on Syria’s nuclear program, told Breaking Defense. Katz, who called Trump’s decision to end aid a year early “deeply concerning” in a post on X, told Breaking Defense that the US has also benefitted by the relationship with Israel. “When you have the money thats on the table and you have to spend it in America, then you have an additional pressure point to be able to get approval for those arms sales to go through,” he said. “When that money is not there and no longer available or no longer immediate, then you are like every other country that comes to ask to buy weapons.” Israel is already scrambling to make sure that a deal for more Apache helicopters goes through. Israel is also in the midst of acquiring more F-15s, F-35s, refuelers, heavy-lift helicopters and numerous munitions. Jacob Nagel, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), told Breaking Defense that cutting military aid to Israel will have a “big impact” for Jerusalem. Nagel, who served as Netanyahu’s national security adviser and as acting head of Israel’s National Security Council, has played a key role in Israel’s procurement program, heading a committee examining recommendations for the defense budget. While Israel’s economy is strong and the aid represents less than one percent of Israel’s $600 billion GDP, Israel’s record-breaking recent defense budget leaves the country “stretched to the end,” he added. Losing that funding “will come at the expense of important issues,” Nagel warned. Eran Lerman, a former deputy for foreign policy and international affairs at the National Security Council in the Israeli Prime Ministers Office, agreed the announcement came as an abrupt surprise. However, Lerman, who currently serves as the vice president of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security, was less concerned than others, saying: “Ultimately it is not difficult for a nation with a GDP of $600 billion to find 0.6% from other sources — such as coalition handouts — as long as the commitment to Israel’s QME [Qualitative Military Edge].” The issue of maintaining Israel’s QME has been under the spotlight over the last several years as Israel seeks to acquire more advanced systems. Part of Lerman’s thinking is that Israeli funding has dropped off before. In the 1980s, Israel benefitted from an Economic Support Fund (ESF) which included $1.5 billion of annual aid. “When we chose to end the ESF back in the 1990s we did so gradually over ten years; this sounds different, but the devil is in the details,” he said, but ultimately, Israel was ok. Whether Trump will actually follow through on threats to end the aid agreement early, whether Congress will allow it, and if a new memorandum of understanding will be negotiated are all issues that will be sorted out in the coming weeks — one way or another.  Just last month, Nagel wrote that “signing a new MOU adapted to changing realities will require a focused, uncompromising effort by all relevant parties. It will preserve the strategic alliance and cooperation with the United States and reaffirm America’s long-standing commitment to Israel, despite the changes taking place in the relationship.”

[Category: Congress, Global, Foreign Military Financing FMF, Israel, Middle East]

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[l] at 11/6/26 8:18am
BEIRUT — The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has signed its first defense agreement with Syria since the fall of Bashar Assad in Damascus, a step that experts said would likely strengthen the Syrian army’s capabilities. The agreement on cooperation between the two countries defense ministries was inked, among other government cooperation agreements, on Wednesday during Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaas visit to Riyadh, Saudi Arabias official press agency said. Details of the agreement were not disclosed, but experts told Breaking Defense that the move is evidence of growing ties between the two countries. It also highlights a geopolitical reversal in the region, with Al-Sharaa moving closer to Riyadh after years of Syrian allegiance to Saudi rival Iran under Assad. “The agreement marks another step in Syrias growing political, economic and military alignment with Saudi Arabia, as Damascus seeks to rebuild its armed forces and strengthen its regional partnerships,” RANE Lead MENA and defense Analyst Freddy Khoueiry told Breaking Defense. Serhat Süha Çubukçuoğlu, director of the Turkey program at TRENDS Research & Advisory, agreed with Khoueiry, adding that the agreement is “part of Saudi diplomatic, and economic outreach to court Syria and keep it in its sphere of influence.” The signing comes as Syrian army is trying to rebuild its capabilities after a 14-year civil war that ended in December 2024 with the overthrow of the Assad regime, and as Damascus eyes to end all foreign military presence on its soil. “The agreement will likely initially focus on military training, intelligence sharing, equipment transfers and assistance in rebuilding Syrias armed forces, Khoueiry said. He added that over time the agreement could pave the way for more direct military cooperation, potentially including Syrian personnel supporting Saudi operations in Yemen against the Iran-backed Houthi militant group there. Such a step, he cautioned however, remains speculative and unlikely in the near term. And while Syrian foreign minister Asaad al-Shaibani announced last week that Damascus is weighing joining the Saudi-Pakistani-Turkish defense alliance dubbed as Mecca Pact, neither expert viewed the new bilateral announcement necessarily as a step in that direction. Khoueiry highlighted that the ties between Damscus and Riyadh are already growing, but he didn’t rule out the possibility of Syria joining the Mecca Pact. “Syria could potentially join by early 2027, although this would depend on negotiations with existing members and Damascuss willingness to assume the pacts collective defense obligations, alongside other strategic considerations,” he told Breaking Defense. Çubukçuoğlu was more hesitant about the possibility, especially since the pact has “a NATO Article 5-type agreement and attack on one is considered attack on all. A further complication, he said, was Israeli military operations in Syria, including the occupation of southern Syrian territory. Khoueiry mentioned the perceived Israeli threat as another reason Damascus would strengthen ties with Riyadh, but Çubukçuoğlu said the potential for a fight with Israel could neuter Mecca Pact negotiations. “I think thats inconceivable at this point [any] of these countries will enter into a war with Israel to liberate territory,” he concluded.

[Category: Global, Land Warfare, Army, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Mecca pact, Middle East, syria, training]

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[l] at 11/6/26 8:08am
An Oct. 30 proposal deadline was supposed to settle the shape of the Undergraduate Jet Training System (UJTS) competition. It did, though not in the way anyone planned.  As Breaking Defense first reported, Sierra Nevada Corporation, the last team offering a clean-sheet design, decided it could not responsibly bid the UJTS program under the current contract structure, while saying it stands ready to re-engage if the Navy revisits its approach.  What remains, as far as is publicly known, is one bid from an established aircraft manufacturer: the Textron Aviation Defense and Leonardo M-346N. The Navy now has to decide what to do with a field of, effectively, one. (Stavatti Aerospace, a small company with a history of releasing concept images, says it also proposed an offering.)  What the Navy does now, more than the original competition, is the test of whether the acquisition reform it has been advertising has actually changed anything, or whether it is simply hot air. The Navy has to resist the temptation to simply hand over the award to the M-346N, and to make sure its final decision meets the criteria it has set out for itself.  The Standard The Navy Has Set In his Nov. 7, 2025 memorandum redesignating the Defense Acquisition System as the Warfighting Acquisition System, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth wrote that speed to capability delivery is now our organizing principle, and directed a system that rewards early delivery and penalizes delay. The Navy has taken up the message. When it stood up its Portfolio Acquisition Executives in March, the service said the new model would bring urgency and a ruthless focus on accelerated delivery, with leaders empowered — and expected — to make disciplined, data-driven trade-offs across cost, schedule and performance, with a clear priority on time to field. Then-Secretary of the Navy John Phelan was blunter at WEST in February: The era of accepting delays, underperformance and readiness-eroding backlogs without consequence is over. Behind the slogans is a coherent theory built on three principles. Time is a performance attribute in its own right: Phelan said the Navy is locking in designs earlier, enforcing disciplined requirements and consolidating authority so decisions are made by leaders who own outcomes. Existing solutions come before new development, since the Hegseth memos implementing direction calls for a commercial-first approach and for considering modifications to existing options before new development. And someone owns the decision: the portfolio executive model exists to end what Phelan called fragmented accountability. When the Navy established its aviation portfolio executive in May, Vice Adm. John Dougherty IV said the goal was to deliver integrated warfighting capability—at speed. Those are good principles. But measured against them, the UJTS situation tells a different story. The Record So Far The Navy released the final UJTS request for proposals on March 26, 2026, with proposals due June 29. The deadline moved twice, to Sept. 9 and then to Oct. 30. The planned award moved from March 2027 to June 2027, and the program office now says it intends to award in the fourth quarter of fiscal 2027, which runs from July through September. In May the Navy raised the price ceiling for engineering and manufacturing development from roughly $1.8 billion to $2.7 billion after industry pushback, and observers have noted that RFP changes allowed more time from contract to initial operational capability, apparently to give a newer design room to compete. Each adjustment can be defended on its own. A wider price ceiling may produce better bids, and more time may produce better proposals. But taken together they describe schedule bending to accommodate the process, the opposite of what the Warfighting Acquisition System promises.  The reasons differ by company: When Lockheed Martin dropped out in April, it pointed to the required level of US content as a roadblock. When Boeing exited in June, it concluded the T-7A would need further development, including engine qualification work, to meet Navy requirements. Sierra Nevadas explanation is about the contract structure, rather than the aircraft.  A reform that prizes speed ought to want to know why a competition built to attract four teams ended with one. Some programs are genuinely hard. They push the edge of technology, depend on immature subsystems or face real uncertainty about the threat. It would be unfair to judge a reform by its first encounter with a program like that.  UJTS is not one of them. The requirement is mature. The Navy has trained strike pilots in the T-45 Goshawk for more than three decades and knows what an advanced jet trainer has to do. The Navy has also chosen to move some of the training burden into simulation: the new trainer will not be required to land on carriers. This is not a sixth-generation stealth fighter with technology being developed from the ground up — it should be, by design, a relatively simple product.   And the cost of delay is visible and measurable. The T-45 fleet has been grounded or paused repeatedly. A service life extension program is keeping about 145 aircraft flying, and NAVAIR now plans to keep the Goshawk in service through 2040. The Navys own budget materials warn that without timely replacement the fleet will be unable to meet training requirements, with a direct impact to the generation of tactical aviators. When I spoke recently with Rear Adm. Max McCoy, the Chief of Naval Air Training, he called the pipelines recent production gains pyrrhic. The enterprise is still short of aircraft and instructors, with too many students waiting, and his instructors are flying seven days a week to hold the numbers. Every month the replacement slips pushes more of that burden onto the Fleet Replacement Squadrons and onto Super Hornet and F-35C flight hours the fleet cannot spare. Delay on a trainer program is easy to treat as a schedule footnote because nothing visible breaks when it happens. Naval aviation training is a production system, not a period of preparation, and it obeys the arithmetic of queues: a four-and-a-half-month grounding in 2022 helped produce a backlog of roughly 1,000 pilots that a line running at 105 percent of requirement takes years to clear. The Fleet Replacement Squadrons are where upstream shortfalls are quietly paid for in front-line aircraft hours. The value of a new trainer begins only when students start flying it, and first production deliveries are not expected until 2032. Every month added to the decision is a month added to the period in which the T-45 carries the line alone. Deciding Well With One Bid A thin field does not change that arithmetic, but it does change the temptations. One temptation is to treat a single bid as a reason to stop and start over. The other is to treat it as a foregone conclusion and rush. The reform standard, and the Navy’s needs, should rule out both options. Applying the reform to UJTS now means something more demanding than holding a date. It means running a disciplined evaluation of the offers actually received, on a schedule the Navy commits to, while being honest about the risks a single offeror creates. Do not re-open the competition by default. Starting over to recruit a larger field would reset a clock that the pipeline cannot afford. If the Navy believes the requirement or contract structure drove bidders away, it should say so, fix it where it can, and still decide on the offers in hand. Sierra Nevada has said it would re-engage if the approach changed, and that is a question for the next buy or a bounded amendment, not a reason to restart this one. Do not treat a single bid as a win. One offeror removes the discipline that competition normally supplies on price and terms. The evaluation therefore has to supply it: rigorous cost and price analysis against the $2.7 billion development ceiling, hard scrutiny of the schedule and production plan and a clear-eyed look at the work still required to navalize, build and certify the aircraft. Weighing time to field honestly applies to every design, wherever its risk sits. Hold the date, and beat it if possible. The program office now targets the fourth quarter of fiscal 2027, a window that has already slid from March and then June. That window should be a ceiling, not a target. If the evaluation can finish sooner, the award should come sooner, and the Navy should publish its evaluation milestones so Congress, industry and the training enterprise can see whether the program is on track. Name the owner. The portfolio executive model puts one accountable official in charge of each portfolio. The Navy should make clear who owns the UJTS decision and hold that official to the schedule, consistent with Phelans call for leaders who own outcomes. Protect the decision by doing it well, not by doing it slowly. Fear of a protest is a common reason programs slip, and a narrow field can invite scrutiny of the process. The answer is a clean, well-documented evaluation against the stated criteria, not more months added to the calendar. Learn why bidders left, and fund the bridge. A reform serious about speed should extract the lesson from this fields collapse for future programs. In the meantime, an award matters only if low-rate production and the transition from the T-45 are funded on time. The next budget request should treat the service life extension program and UJTS production as a single bridge, with no gap between the aging fleet and its replacement. At WEST, Phelan told his audience that ideas are commodities, execution is not, and that the weight of calculated action outweighs the comfort of caution. The Department of War has written the strategy, renamed the system, created portfolio executives and set out the principles. What it has not yet shown is that those changes produce different decisions on a real program under real schedule pressure. UJTS gives the Navy that chance, and the thin field makes it a harder and more honest test. The requirement is known, the proposals are in and the pipeline is waiting. A disciplined, on-time decision that neither restarts the clock nor waves the process through would show that the Warfighting Acquisition System is more than a new name. Another slip would show that the old system survived the rebranding. The Navy has told everyone else that speed is now the organizing principle. With the proposals in hand, it is time to decide like it means it. This is the latest in a series of semi-regular columns by Robbin Laird, where he will tackle current defense issues through the lens of more than 45 years of defense expertise in both the US and abroad. The goal of these columns: to look back at how questions and perspectives of the past should inform decisions being made today.

[Category: Air Warfare, Naval Warfare, Opinion, acquisition, Air Force, M-346, Navy, Op-Ed Commentary, portfolio acquisition executives, Rear Adm. Max McCoy, Undergraduate Jet Training System UJTS]

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[l] at 11/6/26 7:15am
WASHINGTON — The Space Force’s multibillion-dollar effort to build a satellite network that rapidly moves data over high-speed laser links will require an entirely new set of satellites and significant extra funding to connect with other military space systems, Breaking Defense has learned.  In effect, this new group of satellites will serve as translators between different sets of optical waveforms — two or three missile warning/tracking constellations in the short term, and others in the future —  in order to ensure multiple systems can talk to each other. That connectivity is a vital part of supporting Trump administration’s Golden Dome missile defense initiative that the network is supposed to help speed into existence, multiple sources said.  The Space Force plans to orbit an “operational prototype” of the Space Data Network Backbone being built by SpaceX by 2027. The large constellation of satellites in low Earth orbit (LEO) that will serve as the data backhaul layer — essentially, the central communications traffic router — of the service’s planned SDN architecture, a space-based network of networks designed to connect sensors to shooters.  The Space Force envisions the SDN as a hybrid constellation comprising military and commercial communications satellites that eventually will be able to share data across missions,  including missile warning, tracking and targeting as well as both air- and ground-moving target indication. As a top priority, the SDN will focus on connecting to the Space Development Agency’s (SDA) Tracking Layer satellites for detecting and tracking missiles to be stationed in LEO and Space System Command’s (SSC) similar Resilient Missile Warning and Tracking- Medium Earth Orbit (MEO) birds.  SpaceX won a $2.29 billion contract in May to fast-track development of the SDN Backbone to meet President Donald Trump’s 2028 deadline for implementing Golden Dome. The Space Force has not publicly disclosed how many satellites the backbone will include, but the effort is a restructured version of the earlier MILNET constellation, which a Space Force official said last year would comprise more than 480 satellites. The SDN Backbone’s central feature is the use of lasers for satellite-to-satellite communications. Laser links, which function via optical communications terminals (OCT) on board satellites, allow the transmission of bigger volumes of data faster and more securely than the radio frequency links carried by traditional communications satellites.  However, SpaceX is using proprietary OCTs on the SDN Backbone satellites, dubbed by the company as “Plasers,” that cannot directly exchange data with those equipping both the SDA and SSC missile warning/tracking satellites, according to multiple industry, former government and current Space Force sources. To complicate matters, these sources said, the OCTs used by SDA and SSC also are incompatible.  To address this lack of connectivity, the Space Force is considering a constellation of 12 to 13 additional satellites that could allow otherwise incompatible OCT payloads to exchange data, two industry sources and one former Space Force official said. The proposed satellites, known as Space Exchange Points (SEPs) or “translator satellites,” are expected to cost somewhere $12-14 million each, these sources said — a total of roughly $1 billion in new money that will need to be found at a time the Pentagon is expected to get less funding than it asked for from Congress. Even aside from the extra costs, however, several sources expressed frustration with the situation with regard to the Space Forces two new missile warning/tracking constellations, saying it could have been avoided had the Pentagon focused on standardization at an earlier date. Instead, the service is now having to scramble to fix a problem that, the sources emphasized, never needed to happen.  An SSC spokesperson declined to comment on the compatibility of its MEO birds with SDA’s LEO satellites or SpaceX’s Plaser; and also declined to comment on the SEP program’s end goals and projected costs.  SpaceX did not respond to a detailed inquiry from Breaking Defense.  Different Standards Block Connectivity  The crux of the connectivity problem is that the SpaceX, SDA and SSC OCTs are based on different technical standards governing the precise optical waveforms used, and thus how many gigabits of data per second the laser links can transmit, sources explained. Part of the reason for the standards mismatch is the decision made some time in 2025 by the Department of the Air Force to flip from using SDA’s Transport Layer of data relay satellites as the SDN backbone to instead relying on SpaceX’s constellation — at the time dubbed MILNET and already in use by the National Reconnaissance Office. By that time, SDA already had been developing both the Transport Layer and the Tracking Layer satellites based on its own open-source OCT standard, a first version of which was published in 2022. The optical waveform/terminals on SDAs Transport Layer and Tracking Layer satellites, which carry the SDA OCT Standard, are not directly compatible with the Plaser waveform, an SDA official confirmed. The disconnect between SDA and SSC on OCTs is harder to justify, one former Pentagon official said, given that both developmental programs began at roughly the same time in 2019 — and thus could have worked together to develop compatible OCTs. However, one industry source said, a possible argument for the differences is that SDA has been focused on developing OCTs optimized for its LEO-based satellites, whereas SSC is concentrating on operations in MEO where satellites are farther from the Earth and farther from each other than in LEO. The Space Force is not unaware of the challenge it faces. G.P. Sandhoo, head of both SDA and the Space Force’s new Missile Warning and Tracking Portfolio Acquisition Executive office, on Oct. 28 told a panel at Silicon Valley Space Week conference in Mountain View, Calif., that his shop will eventually need to figure out how to integrate data from sensors carried by satellites in different orbits, according to an article in Space News.  The SDA spokesperson added that interoperability between the OCTs for the LEO and MEO missile warning/tracking constellations is currently being evaluated by the Space Force.  One solution is simply for the SEP satellites to carry both SDA and SSC standard OCTs, along with software to transmit their data to the SpaceX Plaser and the SDN Backbone satellites. Another potential solution is for both the LEO and MEO constellations to use a new version of SDA’s optical waveform standard, called v.4.0.0, that potentially could resolve the problem in the future, according to current and former Space Force officials. That standard was developed in consultation with SSC, the former Space Force official said, and has “two modes:” the first essentially is the same standard SDA is using for “LEO to LEO and LEO to ground” communications; the second would allow LEO to MEO optical data transmission. Thus, it could be used to directly link LEO and MEO missile warning/tracking satellites, and avoid having to add a third OCT payload onto the SEPs.  The SDA spokesperson said the version 4 standard “is not yet on contract to be fielded in any SDA Tranches, but is in consideration for Tranche 4.” Key acronyms in this story SDN – Space Data Network LEO – low Earth orbit MEO – medium Earth orbit SEP – Space Exchange Point SDA – Space Development Agency SSC – Space Systems Command OCT – Optical Communications Terminal EST – Enterprise Space Terminal Translator Sats To The Rescue?  SSC has been working on developing its OCTs, called Enterprise Space Terminals (ESTs), since 2024. At the time, the command described the program as designed to operationalize a new enterprise waveform designed to communicate in the Beyond Low Earth Orbit (bLEO) regimes,” and estimated it would cost a total of $100 million.  This April, General Atomics and CACI announced they had won Phase 3 awards to develop the EST terminals for flight hardware production and demonstration, but provided few other details. And in July, SSC awarded California-based startup K2 Space $22.9 million to host tests of two ESTs on two of its Gravitas satellites. An SSC spokesperson declined to comment on the technical details of the ESTs, saying only that the “EST payload implements a government owned optical communications standard designed for both long- and short-range communications.”  However, the spokesperson confirmed that prototype ESTs are being designed to equip the future SEP translator satellites  SSC initiated the SEP program on Aug. 13 with awards to five companies worth $12 million each — Amazon LEO for Government, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Rocket Lab and York Space System — to build prototypes. The SEP birds are “specialized spacecraft [that] act as orbital routers, allowing disparate networks and government satellite systems to connect directly” to the SDN backbone, the SSC release said.  To do that, the SSC spokesperson said, the SEP “host vehicles” being built by each of the contractors will be “integrated with” the SDN Backbone — implying that they will be equipped with the SpaceX Plaser — and also will carry the ESTs.  “The five vendors will demonstrate their ability to directly connect their host satellite and associated C2 systems to the existing SDN Backbone architecture; ground-to-ground, ground-to-space, then space-to-space, the SSC spokesperson added. Each vendor has their own demonstration schedule and we are planning for demonstrations next calendar year. However, the spokesperson declined to comment when specifically asked whether the SEP satellites will be equipped with the Plaser. They also declined to specify whether the government had bought those terminals from SpaceX for the SEP prototypes, or whether each vendor instead was required to do so.  (SpaceX in 2024 said it intended to sell a miniature version of the Plaser to allow third party satellites to connect to Starlink, but it is unclear if any such deals have been made — Muon Space in September 2025 announced a “partnership” to equip its Halo birds with the mini-Plaser but did not specify terms.) The SSC spokesperson noted that the SEP spacecraft vendors also are working with the EST contractors to define the interface necessary to host their payloads, stressing that while the contracts are separate the efforts are complementary. Combining these host spacecraft and optical payload elements together, a SEP will allow any external Government system carrying a compatible optical terminal to connect to the SDN Backbone, the spokesperson said. The spokesperson did not, however, provide any information about the SEP constellation’s ultimate size, costs and schedule for deployment.  The concept of a translator satellite is not a new idea. SDA in 2022 was working on the idea to allow data from commercial satellites eventually to flow into the Transport Layer. But questions remain about how difficult it will be to implement. Reasonable people will disagree on how difficult it is, one former Space Force official said. [T]he technical challenges from the hardware side are pretty straightforward. But there is some networking translation that has to happen in addition to just the hardware configuration. In addition, the official said, the SEP satellites as currently designed are not compatible with either SDA’s Tracking Layer satellites or the Transport Layer, which is being transferred to SSC for further development as a separate so-called enclave of the SDN specifically focused on connecting to legacy military platforms such as fighter jets.  Which raises the question of whether yet more development and funds will be needed. SDA now is projecting to begin launch of its first operational Tracking Layer satellites, called Tranche 1, next spring, according to a recent article in Space News, representing a two-year delay. Those Tranche 1 birds are to be followed by two more satellite sets,Tranche 2 and 3, each being designed with improved capabilities. The agency has been projecting Tranche 2 launches to begin in December and initial Tranche 3 launches to start in 2029, but given the delay in Tranche 1 that schedule is now unclear.  As for the Transport Layer, the shift of the program to SSC has thrown the program’s scope, schedule and funding up in the air. The Pentagon’s 2027 budget request shows funding continuing for the Transport Layer’s first two tranches, but no funding for SDA’s earlier planned Tranche 3 and beyond.

[Category: Space, featured, Golden Dome, laser communications, MILNET, Missile Defense, missile tracking, optical intersatellite links, satcom, SDN Backbone, Space Data Network, Space Development Agency, Space Force, Space Systems Command, SpaceX]

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[l] at 11/6/26 4:10am
PARIS — Europe is quickly approaching a critical decision point that will help direct its strategy for defending the continent against hypersonic missile threats in the 2030s and beyond. At the end of the month, the European Commission is expected to downselect either the Hypersonic Interceptor Defence (HYDEF) or Hypersonic Defence Interceptor System (HYDIS) consortiums for the second phase of its Endo-Atmospheric Interceptor (EATMI) program — an effort that aims to develop air defense systems to counter advanced missile threats. While HYDEF is focused on developing the foundational technologies for a highly maneuverable interceptor, HYDIS has advanced a more defined missile design, known as Aquila.  China and Russia continue to rapidly develop hypersonic missiles, with Chinese systems presenting a growing challenge to European defenses. The weapons can fly at speeds of at least Mach 5 and can maneuver during flight, making their trajectories difficult to predict and giving air defense systems less time to detect, track and intercept them. To date, both HYDEF and HYDIS consortiums have conducted parallel assessments and design work in support of the first phase of the EATMI program. The Nov. 30 deadline will require the European Commission to move forward with just one provider. The first phase of EATMI officially wrapped up at the end of October after both consortia’s concepts passed preliminary requirements reviews in the summer. The second phase, expected to begin in 2027, will focus on maturing interceptor technologies and advancing the preliminary design of the complete weapon system. The European Commission is targeting a system-level demonstrator at technology readiness level 6 by 2030, followed by a development and industrialization phase ahead of an expected in-service date around 2035. The HYDEF consortium includes the government participation of Spain, Germany, Poland, Belgium and Norway, with an industrial consortium comprising companies from each country. The effort is led by Spanish Missile Systems (SMS), with Diehl Defence acting as technical coordinator. Other participating companies include Nammo, Navantia and GMV. HYDIS currently includes France, Italy, the Netherlands and also Germany, along with a group of supporting companies comprising MBDA, Saab, Thales and Leonardo, as well as the Netherland’s TNO and Sweden’s FOI government research and development agencies.  The participating companies are organized into teams covering a range of technology areas, including onboard terminal guidance sensors; lethality; communication and datalinks; propulsion systems; aerodynamics and thermal domain; guidance, navigation and control; interceptor maneuverability; and more.  Speaking to the media at the Euronaval expo in Paris on Wednesday, an MBDA official representing HYDIS confirmed that the program’s second phase will focus on moving beyond technology readiness level 3 and toward a “full system demonstrator by the end of the decade.” Should it be selected, the HYDIS consortium will continue development of the Aquila interceptor, including the capability to launch from surface vessels using the MK41 vertical launch system. Additional focus areas will include affordability and scalable production. As for HYDEF, the consortium was unable to provide additional details regarding planning for the second phase. However, a Diehl Defence spokesperson told Breaking Defense that the team had completed its first development phase on schedule, with August’s preliminary requirements review and the end-of-October project milestone confirming that all subsystems had exceeded their initial technical maturity targets. “Building on these results, the HYDEF follow-on consortium is ready to continue development under EATMI and deliver this critical capability for Europe,” the spokesperson added.  As for HYDIS, the consortium confirmed that it plans to continue designing Aquila — a four-stage hypersonic stratospheric interceptor capable of intercepting threats travelling up to Mach 17 at high altitudes. “We expect the winning solution to be available to European countries [by the end of the decade],” Lionel Mazenq, vice president for incubator programmes at MBDA, said at Euronaval. Mazenq compared the program’s requirements to the United States’ Glide Phase Interceptor program (GPI) — led by Northrop Grumman and developed in cooperation with Japan — which is designed only to intercept hypersonic glide vehicles. “The European solution will be the only one to deal with both threats,” Mazenq claimed, adding that the European interceptor will form part of a wider, integrated air and missile defence network. According to MBDA, the HYDIS solution could provide Europe with “regional shield protection,” covering a 100-kilometer (62-mile) radius with a single launcher. That could mean just one launcher could be deployed to protect the whole of the Netherlands, Mazenq said. He also illustrated a “continental barrier against hypersonic threats,” suggesting a network of interceptor launchers could be used to protect Europe’s eastern border.  MBDA confirmed that the launchers will need to be networked to a single radar. The company also described ongoing cooperation with the European Space Strategy to use satellite constellations to detect and track missiles from space. Should it be selected for EATMI Phase 2, the HYDIS follow-on consortium will include an expanded group of European countries. As of September, an additional 13 nations had signed letters of intent or support as part of the consortium’s bid process  including Belgium, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Czechia, Slovakia, Romania and Croatia.  The European Defence Fund (EDF) has pledged €100 million (approximately $112 million USD) for the second phase of the program. Additional funds are expected from the winning consortium. MBDA’s Mazenq confirmed that 11 nations from the HYDIS 2 DP consortium will contribute an additional €133 million (approximately $149 million USD).

[Category: Air Warfare, Air Force, Diehl Defense, Euronaval 2026, Europe, European Commission, hypersonics, MBDA, Missile Defense]

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[l] at 11/5/26 2:55pm
WASHINGTON — Republicans are under the gun to pass defense funding during the lame duck session following a crippling loss in midterm elections, but first they’ll have to square off against emboldened Democrats seeking to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and curb the Iran war. With only five legislative weeks remaining in the year, GOP leaders may make a last ditch effort to pass partyline reconciliation funding and a fiscal 2027 budget before Democrats take control of the House and Senate in January, experts said.  The big problem: Democrats may not be willing to come to the table.  “Theres zero chance of appropriations getting passed because that requires 60 votes in the Senate. Republicans do not have 60 votes in the Senate for any kind of appropriations bill,” said Todd Harrison, a defense analyst with the American Enterprise Institute. “Democrats have zero incentive to reach any kind of a deal on appropriations because now theyve taken both chambers by substantial majorities.” The Pentagon has requested funding for defense via three different vehicles: A $1.15 trillion discretionary defense budget  A $350 billion mandatory funding request that would be funded through the partyline reconciliation process  A supplemental funding request that includes $67 billion for defense to recoup expenses associated with the Iran war Another key item on the to-do list: The FY27 National Defense Authorization Act, an annual bill that does not provide funding, but contains defense policy changes ranging from troop pay raises to defense acquisition reform. None of the three funding vehicles have been approved by Congress, and the path toward passage has become much more complicated as a result of the landslide Democrat wins, experts said.  In a note to investors on Wednesday, TD Cowen analyst Roman Schweizer said that a sweeping Democratic takeover of the House and Senate is the “toughest” scenario for defense spending. The lame duck period is “now critical” as the “last shot at [reconciliation],” with both the NDAA and defense appropriations likely delayed until early 2027. VJ Sahi, partner and senior vice president at Clark Street Associates, told Breaking Defense that in the early weeks of the lame duck, Republicans could view a reconciliation bill “as the last train leaving the station” and could push a mandatory funding package forward that would at least cover the Iran war costs.  But even without needing Democrat votes, Republican leadership will face both old and new challenges in getting partyline support for reconciliation, defense analysts said.  The House passed a budget resolution in July that would start the reconciliation process, with $60 billion for defense. But Senate Majority Leader John Thune repeatedly refused to bring it up for a vote in the upper chamber, stating that there weren’t enough Republican votes to pass the measure.  After the midterms, Republican leadership will have to contend with the same concerns from fiscal hawks about how reconciliation funding will be paid for. And if Republicans departing Congress at the end of the year decide not to show up for the lame duck session, they might not have the numbers to even get a simple majority, Harrison said.  “I think the most likely case is it doesnt go anywhere, it doesnt even get a vote,”  Harrison said.  A day after the election, Capital Alpha Partners analyst Byron Callan reduced his prediction that further defense reconciliation will pass Congress from 15 percent to 10 percent. He was similarly sanguine about the chances of passing FY27 appropriations, projecting a 50 percent chance of a government shutdown after the current continuing resolution (CR) expires on Dec. 11.  “The magnitude of Democratic gains in the House and Senate from the midterm elections suggests that nothing will get done by Congress for defense legislation in Nov.-Dec,” Callan wrote in a note to investors Wednesday.  If budget negotiations stall until January, when the 120th Congress is sworn in, Democrats could potentially boost funds for nondefense priorities while reining in defense spending to be well below the $1.5 trillion level the Trump administration was angling for in FY27. Washington Rep. Adam Smith, who will probably take the gavel as the House Armed Services Committee chairman, signaled in a letter Wednesday that he would support a more restrained defense budget. “We must push for the development of a more realistic and sustainable approach to our national security — one that does not require a defense budget in excess of $1 trillion or one paid for with draconian cuts to critical domestic programs,” Smith wrote. Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro — House Appropriations Committee’s top Democrat and likely chairwoman come January —  did not explicitly call for lower defense spending in a letter where she laid out her priorities. However, she set up a potential fight with the Office of Management and Budget over how previous reconciliation dollars sent to the Defense Department were spent.  “We must claw back billions of dollars Republicans unilaterally provided to Border Patrol, ICE, and the Pentagon through budget reconciliation in an end run outside of the Appropriations Committee,” she stated. With reconciliation unlikely and a probable defense topline of roughly $1.1 trillion for FY27, the Pentagon will need to make hard choices in terms of what items should be transferred from the mandatory request to the discretionary budget — and what items will be cut in order to free up those dollars.  “Missile defense interceptor replenishment will remain a priority, but it is highly unlikely that all of the $47 billion in mandatory [request] is funded in discretionary,” Callan wrote in a note to investors. The Pentagon is also unlikely to get all of the F-35s included in the mandatory request added to the baseline appropriations bill, and the funding for its Drone Dominance effort could get shaved down to a “fraction” of its $53.6 billion request, he added.  Harrison and Callan agreed that in an environment where Democrats control the defense budget, the Trump-class battleship won’t receive funding.  Golden Dome — another signature program of the Trump administration —  may survive in parts, but it suffers from a lack of Democrat support and the fact that the vast majority of its funding for FY27 was supposed to be paid for by reconciliation, Harrison said.  “If you dissect it and look at the different parts of Golden Dome, I think there are many parts that would enjoy bipartisan support,” he said.  However, “the Golden Dome Caucus on the Hill never included a single Democrat. Democrats have not been getting the briefings on it that Republicans have, so theres just not buy-in for the program,” he added.  And the longer budget negotiations extend, the more complicated they could become. If the debt ceiling isn’t addressed by a GOP-led reconciliation bill, and FY27 budget talks stretch until spring, those negotiations could be combined, Schweizer said in a note today. “Its a tale as old as time: build a mega policy cliff” that combines government funding and a debt ceiling raise, Schweizer said. “If that happens, we would expect a 2-year discretionary spending deal combined with a debt ceiling raise.” The Hegseth Question One looming question hanging over the lame duck is the fate of Hegseth, who has come into the crosshairs of lawmakers blaming him for the Iran war — widely seen as a key reason why the GOP lost the midterms.  Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., reiterated on Wednesday that he will bring articles of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth when Congress returns to Washington next week.  “There is one contingency in which I won’t reintroduce the articles of impeachment: Hegseth resigns,” he said in a post on X.  Hegseth could have an obvious exit strategy. Sen. Marsha Blackburn, who was elected as Tennessees governor in the midterms, could appoint Hegseth to fill her Senate seat when she leaves Washington.  But if that’s the plan, it would be best for Hegseth to resign quickly, Harrison said.  “If Hegseth resigns now in the lame duck session, the Senate, while its still under Republican control, has time to confirm a new SECDEF,” he said. “If that falls to the next Senate, with a 54 or 55 seat majority with Democrats, Trump is going to have a hard time getting anyone confirmed.”  Massie told Fox News that he intends to force a vote on Hegseth’s impeachment by filing a privileged resolution, which would compel a House vote within two days.  One lobbyist who spoke to Breaking Defense said Vice President JD Vance’s post on X blaming the Iran war for the GOP loss in the midterms will provide some Republican lawmakers the political top cover needed to vote for Hegseth’s impeachment.  For a Republican who views JD Vance as the future of the party, “a vote to impeach Hegseth over Iran … [is] a political vote Im willing to take,” the lobbyist said. “If you have members that are [thinking], ‘This could be one of the final votes that I cast as a member of Congress. This is the legacy that Im leaving, and Iran is obviously deeply unpopular’… I feel like that is a very politically safe vote for a lot of folks to take.” Earlier today, Hegseth published a defiant video message on X where he called the Iran war a “a courageous and historic effort” and referenced the potential impeachment vote directly. “A disgruntled, defeated congressman, along with all his Democrat allies, has also dropped sham articles of impeachment against yours truly, just like they tried against President Trump twice,” he said. “Its all about the politics of personal destruction. Didnt work against President Trump, and it wont work with me.” Since the election, Trump has repeatedly denied news reports that he was considering replacing Hegseth, telling reporters on Wednesday that Hegseth “is doing a very good job.” Asked whether he wanted Hegseth to be appointed to fill Blackburn’s senatorial seat, Trump said that Hegseth “would be very popular if he did that, but I haven’t heard that at all.”  Harrison said he didn’t buy that explanation.  “When your boss starts saying youd be great at a different job, thats a sign,” he said.  Democrats Set Sights On Iran War, Oversight Democrats have made clear that investigating the Trump administration will be a major legislative goal, with lawmakers already beginning to lay out their oversight priorities during the lame duck session.  In September, Rep. Jim Himes, the top Democrat on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, sent a letter to the National Defense Industrial Association informing the trade group of a“likely” investigation into corporate donations to President Donald Trump’s White House ballroom project, which include defense contractors like Lockheed Martin. Some Democrats, including Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Colorado Rep. Jason Crow, have previously raised concerns about Pentagon contracts being awarded to companies with ties to the Trump brothers. “I think it will be an issue for defense companies, especially those that have been invested in by the president’s family,” the lobbyist said In the Wednesday letter outlining Democrat priorities for HASC, Smith wrote that he would support reestablishing an oversight subcommittee, which could investigate waste, fraud and abuse by defense contractors as well as current operations.   “The list of potential oversight topics is long, but the illegal war against Iran is top of mind for me and the American people. So too are sweetheart deals and favoritism to certain entities and individuals,” Smith stated. “The list continues with the unauthorized military strikes in the Caribbean and Latin America, the deployment of the military to U.S. cities, and the blatant and corrosive politicization of our Armed Forces and purging of the ranks based on loyalty and ideology are high on the list,” he added.  The NDAA could be one early showcase where Democrats potentially make the argument that greater oversight of the Iran War and of Hegseth’s office are needed before they sign on to pass the bill.  “You’ve got Democrats itching to find a way to curtail the president, in his ability to conduct the war. The NDAA could be the legislative vehicle where they try to put some of those policies into law,” Harrison said.  The renaming of the Pentagon as the “Department of War” is another policy in the NDAA that Democrats could seek to reverse, he added. In a Wednesday post on X, California Rep. Ro Khanna, the top Democrat on HASC’s cyber and IT subpanel, suggested that any forthcoming continuing resolutions could prohibit funds for combat operations in Iran and cut all aid for Israel. “End the Iran war like we did for Vietnam,” he said.

[Category: Congress, Pentagon, 2026 defense appropriations, 2026 midterm elections, 2026 NDAA, Pete Hegseth]

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[l] at 11/5/26 1:22pm
Dismounted forces need reliable and secure connectivity to enable successful completion of mission objectives. At AUSA, we spoke with Aaron Brosnan, president of Tampa Microwave, a Thales company, about how the company is evolving tactical SATCOM to meet this demand.

[Category: Land Warfare, Sponsored Post, Army, AUSA 2026 Perspective Thales, LEO, MEO, military communications, Perspectives, Presented by Thales, satcom, secure communications, Sponsored Content, Thales, Video]

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[l] at 11/5/26 11:55am
In this episode of The Pentagon Buzz, Breaking Defenses Ashley Roque breaks down two major Pentagon initiatives after a recent conversation with Dale Marks, who is responsible for installations and energy at the Defense Department. First, the Pentagon is soliciting proposals from governors for a new stateside base, with a decision expected by June 2027. Then, Ashley talks about how the Pentagons FORTRESS America initiative is intended to strengthen current installations against a wide range of threats, possibly with help from private industry. Subscribe to our Pentagon newsletter to get the latest information from the building delivered directly to you. hbspt.forms.create({ portalId: '2097098', formId: '2cf0ca25-5e60-4bbc-aed9-51e6f64c883a', target: '#hubspot-form-2cf0ca25-5e60-4bbc-aed9-51e6f64c883a', });

[Category: Land Warfare, Pentagon, Army, Dale Marks, FORTRESS America, Pentagon Buzz, Video]

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[l] at 11/5/26 11:02am
WASHINGTON — With Ukraine’s Starshield contract up in mid-2027, a senior Ukrainian government official said Kyiv is working to hash out the terms of a new deal with the US while also looking at possible stopgap measures.  “As I speak now, we are in the process of starting” those negotiations with Washington, specifically with leaders inside the Pentagon, Ukraines Chargé dAffaires Denys Sienik told reporters at a Defense Writers Group breakfast today.  “I hope that the contract will be signed, and terms of reference will be negotiated, we will have funding, and well be able to defend ourselves,” he added. Ukraine has relied on SpaceXs Starshield — the US military variant of the Starlink satellite network — for drone operations against Russian threats and targets. However, in October Ukrainian officials claimed a sudden change to the Starshield network, which they directly attributed to the failure of drones and defenses that led to military and civilian deaths. Around this same time, US President Donald Trump announced he had reached a deal with Russian President Vladimir Putin to import Russian diesel to help lower the cost of fuel, while also warning Ukraine not to strike Russian refineries. The confluence of events raised a series of questions about what changed with Starshield: Was it a technical glitch, or did someone inside the US government or SpaceX — specifically CEO Elon Musk — give the order? “We still dont have [an] answer from Pentagon and SpaceX [about] what has happened” but it is “working now,” Sienik said. “Good news is that it has been resolved, and our military can further do their work… Do we want another situation like that? Definitely no,” he added. Despite Ukraine’s problems with Starshield in October, Sienik said the country needs the new contract to go through since there is “no effective alternative” to the low-Earth orbit satellite system. However, he emphasized that Ukraine is looking around at options, for both the short and long term. “We are working on our capabilities domestically in Ukraine [and] Europeans are also working on their system,” Sienik added. “Everyone understands that its always good to have a backup.” Sienik’s comments came just days after the US mid-term elections with Democrats poised to reclaim control of the Senate and House. Once in power, they are expected to begin holding new oversight hearings into an array for defense-released topics that may include such topics on Ukraine like Starshield, and the slow rolling of $400 million in military air to the Eastern European nation. During today’s roundtable, Sienik said Ukrainian officials will answer any questions lawmakers have but do not want to interfere with domestic affairs. However, he reasserted the plea for key US air defense capabilities like Patriot interceptors and additional F-16 fighter jets. “The issue with the existing F-16s is that they are old, and we overuse them because they are super effective: We dont have enough of them,” he said.

[Category: Air Warfare, Congress, Pentagon, Space, Air Force, Denys Sienik, Europe, Russia, Space Force, SpaceX, Starlink, Starshield, Ukraine, white house]

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[l] at 11/5/26 10:23am
PARIS — Saildrone and Norwegian shipbuilding company Umoe Mandal have signed an agreement to produce unmanned surface vessels, with some parts being built in Norway, company executives said.  Under the agreement, signed Wednesday at the Euronaval defense show here, the Norwegian company will build the vessel for Saildrones 20-meter-long Surveyor USV, and the US-based manufacturer will provide the autonomy suite as well as electronics and navigation systems. The Saildrone Surveyor will provide persistent maritime domain awareness in strategically important waters, including the Baltic and North Seas, as well as Arctic waters, while giving customers sovereign control over their operations and data, Robert Kleist, Saildrones European managing director, told reporters here. The representative added that Umoe Mandal was selected for its expertise in composite structures, such as glass or carbon fiber. Among other things, the Norwegian company supplies the mast for the British Type-26 frigates.  The agreement is the latest in a series of moves by Saildrone to expand into Europe. Over the summer, the company opened a new headquarters in Copenhagen and, in August, signed an agreement with Polish company Southern Spars to produce Surveyor’s wings in Poland. Umoe Mandall CEO Tom Fidgeland told reporters that his company has already begun building a new manufacturing site near its main plant, dedicated to producing the USVs. This is to answer the demand we know will come in the future. We are doing this without having concrete orders [yet] in place, but we are confident this will be the case based on future work. … We can easily reach two vessels a month, but that can be expanded more than that for sure, Fidgeland said.  Kleist cited Northern European countries, including Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and Norway, as anticipated interested parties for Saildrone USVs, which could be facilitated through the Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO) framework agreement.  The NORDEFCO agreement allows Nordic nations — Norway, Denmark, Finland and Iceland — to rapidly procure different types of systems, including USVs. It follows a sort of surveillance-as-a-service model: instead of buying physical USVs, member countries can contract Saildrone to deliver maritime intelligence. In October, the Swedish Armed Forces became the first country to execute a national deployment under the NORDEFCO framework, launching a year-long maritime surveillance mission in the Baltic Sea using 4 four Saildrone-made Voyager USVs. In this context, Saildrone operates the vessels, which sail under the Swedish flag, and the Swedish Navy chooses the mission parameters and receives a continuous stream of data.  Kleist said that if other countries opted to adopt this model, it could benefit the regional allies, as they would essentially be looking at the same information, for instance, surveillance of Baltic Sea activities, and could potentially share intelligence among nations as well.  The Baltic Sea is a key maritime area for Europe, as it connects many shipping routes and critical underwater infrastructure. Some countries have vocalized increased concerns over the protection of such infrastructure, with the rise of hybrid warfare and sabotage incidents seen in Europe in recent months. In addition, Russia has direct access to the Baltic Sea through several entry points: Saint Petersburg and the Leningrad Oblast in the east, as well as through the Kaliningrad exclave — situated between Poland and Lithuania.  When asked whether the companies were worried about Russian forces seizing one of the USVs, Fidgeland said they must consider it, but are not concerned it would happen.  We have radars, we have cameras… We can see them [Russians] miles away. If they have bad intentions, we can take nice photographs of them, Fidgeland told Breaking Defense.

[Category: Naval Warfare, Baltic Sea, critical underwater infrastructure, Denmark, Euronaval 2026, Europe, Finland, naval drones, Navy, Norway, Russia, Saildrone, Surveyor, Sweden, USVs]

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[l] at 11/5/26 10:00am
PARIS — Fairbanks Morse Defense (FMD) is poised to conduct repairs on the US Navy’s three Seawolf-class submarines, as the company expands its submarine maintenance footprint.  FMD’s preparations to repair the submarines come just after US Naval Sea Systems Command awarded the firm an approximately $100 million follow-on contract in October to conduct Emergency Diesel Generator (EDG) overhauls on six aging Los Angeles- and Ohio-class submarines, part of a broader effort to extend the vessels service lives by as many as 14 years. The Seawolf-class submarines, the first of which entered the fleet in 1997, could be next in line for maintenance. Fairbanks Morse Defense CEO George Whittier confirmed that the company is now in discussions with the Navy about conducting maintenance on the Seawolf subs. He expects work on those vessels to begin after the Los Angeles- and Ohio-class submarine overhauls, which are expected to wrap up in the late 2020s.  “Were going to end up doing overhauls on those as well, right?” Whittier told Breaking Defense at the Euronaval defense exposition in Paris about the Seawolf class. “Because again, theyre 25, 30-year-old boats, right? So all of thats going to be coming.” Submarine maintenance delays have perpetually been a thorny issue for the Navy. For example, the Government Accountability Office issued a report in August that found public shipyards, which perform maintenance on nuclear-powered vessels like submarines, completed only 11 percent of submarine maintenance periods on schedule. Additionally, the Navy is facing questions about whether it can deliver the Columbia-class submarine by a 2028 target. As a result, the new contract to extend the lives of the Los Angeles- and Ohio-class submarines tackles “the geopolitical risk of a post-2029 submarine deficit” stemming from potential delays in Columbia-class and Virginia-class submarine construction, as well as the decommissioning of other aging vessels, FMD said in a news release in October.  The October contract builds upon a previous NAVSEA award under which FMD completed emergency diesel generator overhauls on two Ohio-class submarines, and one Los Angeles-class submarine. Keith Haasl, FMD president of Services and Technology, said in an October statement, that the contract reflects growing investment in submarine capabilities by the United States and its allies, as well as by competitors Russia and China, which are expanding and modernizing their own fleets. “Because the timely delivery of critical components dictates fleet availability, we are moving quickly to scale our capabilities, Haasl said. Our work with the Navy actively demonstrates principles of rapid submarine maintenance and overhaul that we can share with allies, so we can ensure operationally ready submarines faster. FMD is also looking to accelerate its Pit Stop maintenance program, an initiative inspired by NASCAR and Formula One that uses pre-staged original equipment manufacturer parts, standardized procedures and the companys robotic welding platform to reduce repair timelines. The company has completed roughly 10 Pit Stops with the Navy over the past five years, and is targeting another 10 in 2027, Whittier said. Those 10 planned Pit Stops next year will cover surface ships. Separately, FMD also announced in October that it has begun expanding its subsidiary facility, the Bird-Johnson Propeller Company in Pascagoula, Miss., in an effort to double its naval propulsion system capacity. The expansion includes a $27 million investment from the Navy — funded largely through Australia’s US Submarine Industrial Base contribution as part of the AUKUS Pillar I agreement. 

[Category: Naval Warfare, Euronaval 2026, Fairbanks Morse, NAVSEA, Navy, submarine, Submarine Industrial Base]

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[l] at 11/5/26 9:30am
WASHINGTON — Defense tech firm Shield AI is acquiring Echodyne, a provider of counter-drone radar systems, in a $5.3 billion deal, the companies announced today. The deal, which is expected to close in early 2027, will give Shield an in-house counter-UAS offering, according to a company statement. Echodyne says its counter-drone systems are “used by defense, government and commercial customers in more than 40 countries. Further, its Metamaterials Electronically Scanned Array (MESA) system was selected in September by the Pentagon’s Joint Interagency Task Force 401 to supply counter-drone systems to the US military. The addition of a counter-drone radar system is an interesting add to Shield, which has several different product lines, ranging from autonomy software that has been used on multiple Pentagon projects, to the large X-Bat drone the company now hopes to market globally.   Shield has a history of product expansion through acquisition. It’s V-Bat drone, and hence the push for X-Bat, came form a 2021 acquisition of Martin UAV. And earlier this year, the firm closed on the purchase of Aechelon Technologies, a simulation software firm. “The acquisition of Echodyne dramatically accelerates our efforts to meet growing customer demand for multi-mission capabilities, provides increased access to a rapidly expanding counter-drone industry, and further diversifies our revenue streams with sustained, compelling growth for the combined company,” Shield CEO Gary Steele said in a statement, noting the company structure now consists of three buckets: autonomy software, autonomous systems and mission systems. “Hundreds of customers rely on our radars to detect and track drones, protect people and infrastructure, secure borders, and ensure safe airspace operations. Shield shares our view that autonomous systems can only act on what they can sense, and superior sensors lead to superior systems and outcomes, Echodyne CEO Eben Frankenberg added. By joining Shield, we’re creating a company with the size and breadth to deliver even more value to our broad range of defense, government, and commercial customers around the globe. Echodyne will operate as a business unit within Shields mission systems business, with Frankenberg staying on and reporting up to Steele as part of the companys executive team. There are no planned workforce reductions, and Echodyne employees will not be required to relocate, according to a Shield spokesperson. Longer term, there will likely be greater integration of Echodyne products across Shields portfolio. While the company is not announcing any specific aircraft integrations right now, the spokesperson noted that Autonomous systems can only act on what they can sense, and Shield expects autonomous aircraft to need more capable onboard sensors in the coming years. Echodynes radar is built for that use. The acquisition also adds radar engineering, manufacturing capacity and a commercial customer base to Shields business. The spokesperson added that the Echodyne deal has no impact on the recent decision to work with RTX for a radar on X-Bat, saying that work is separate from this acquisition. Of the $5.3 billion deal, $4.8 billion will be paid out at closing with another $500 million paid out upon Echodyne meeting spelled out performance targets. Coinciding with the deal, Shield raised $2.5 billion through Series H funding and investments from Blackstone and JPMorgan Chase. The spokesperson also noted that the company will continue to look at acquisitions as part of its growth strategy.

[Category: Air Warfare, Air Force, Business & Industry, Drones, Shield AI]

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[l] at 11/5/26 8:19am
MUNICH — The Eurofighter consortium is eyeing global market opportunities to sell more than 200 of the multirole fighter jets, an infographic shared by the consortium during the International Fighter Conference showed. Potential new deals of the combat aircraft include second batch orders for Turkey and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, jointly amounting to 78 units, while closing an order from Austria would add a further 36 aircraft. A breakdown of customers and associated aircraft quantities representing 86 or more aircraft from the 200-plus projection was not shared, but the consortium has long expressed interest in exporting to countries like Portugal, Poland and Bangladesh. Portugal is in need of replacing a fleet of aging F-16 fighter jets, with a successor solution pitting Eurofighter, Lockheed Martins F-35, Swedens Gripen and Frances Rafale against one another. Airbus is leading the Eurofighter consortium’s sales campaign with Lisbon. “Our proposal offering the Eurofighter Typhoon to replace Portugal’s F-16 fleet is currently in its final stages of preparation,” an Airbus spokesperson told Breaking Defense in a statement today. To capture the full spectrum of operational sovereignty, life-cycle value, and industrial collaboration opportunities for the Portuguese Government and national industry, the comprehensive proposal will be formally submitted by the end of this year.” Similarly, Warsaw is eyeing a contract to acquire 32 additional fighter jets in support of an air superiority program requirement. However, it could decide to procure more US F-35 fighter jets after securing a $4 billion Foreign Military Financing (FMF) loan from Washington in September. Last year, Italys Leonardo and the Bangladesh air force signed a letter of intent aimed at opening talks on a Eurofighter deal with Bangladesh, but Dhaka has also moved toward negotiating with China over an acquisition of rival J-10CE fighter jets, according Reuters report. The number of potential exports for Eurofighter has increased from last years figure of 134 units, shared at the 2025 edition of the International Fighter Conference. At the time, Eurofighter CEO Tamarit Degenhardt told Breaking Defense that Turkey’s initial order for the multirole combat jet could serve as a “wake-up call” for other nations to ink new deals.  In 2025, Turkey signed a $10.7 billion deal with the UK for the acquisition of 20 Typhoons, solidifying a prior MoU between the two nations for a total of 40 aircraft. As for current manufacturing developments, additional figures shared this week at the conference indicate that 60 aircraft are currently in production as the consortium executes contracts with Spain, Germany and Kuwait. Recent orders including the Turkish deal, amount to 89 aircraft set for future production and in line with acquisitions from Spain (Halcon 2), Germany (Tranche 5) and Italy.  No update was provided relating to plans for a production ramp up, but Degenhardt noted last year that he is targeting a rate of 30 aircraft a year beginning in 2028 — based on securing new export business. 

[Category: Air Warfare, Global, Air Force, Eurofighter, Europe, F-35, IFC 2026, Poland, Portugal, Saudi Arabia, turkey]

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[l] at 11/4/26 4:23pm
PARIS — The US Navy unfairly evaluated maritime drone manufacturer Saildrone’s proposal for the service’s medium unmanned surface vessel (MUSV) program, according to a ruling from the US Court of Federal Claims.  As a result, the Navy must reevaluate Saildrones proposal within the next two months, and is barred from spending a large chunk of its MUSV budget until that process is complete. Saildrone and maritime tech startup Blue Water Autonomy filed lawsuits in June challenging the Navys decision to eliminate their respective proposals — Saildrones Spectre and Blue Water Autonomys Liberty — from the MUSV competition. The companies argued that their platforms met the Navys requirements for the MUSV marketplace, which launched in March, and that the service didnt stick to its own evaluation guidance in the request for proposals (RFP). “The Court finds that the Navy engaged in disparate treatment, and thus, acted in an arbitrary and capricious manner in its review of Saildrone’s proposal,” Judge Philip Hadji wrote in his opinion, which was originally issued Oct. 30 and publicly released on Wednesday.  The Navy originally disqualified Saildrone from advancing to on-water testing due to discrepancies between the companys proposal and a summary document known as a J-8 Placemat, which is related to the maximum displacement of the design. The opinion said the Navy “eliminated Saildrone because its Placemat reported loaded displacements exceeded the stated maximum displacement.” However, the court determined that Saildrone received disparate treatment compared to other firms because the Navy advanced a proposal from Sea Machines despite similar issues involving maximum displacement. It’s unclear which Sea Machines vessel — either the Steamracer of the Steamrunner — the Navy evaluated, the opinion said. However, the court noted that the distinction did not affect its finding. “Because the Navy accepted from Sea Machines a Placemat that either reported both payload-condition displacements above the stated ‘Max Displacement,’ as Saildrone’s did (STEAMRUNNER), or left those fields blank (STEAMRACER), the Court finds the Navy’s subsequent treatment of the proposals disparately favored Sea Machines and arbitrarily held Saildrone to a higher standard,” the opinion said. Under the ruling, the court ordered the Navy to reevaluate Saildrones proposal within 60 days, applying the same evaluation approach it used for companies that advanced in the competition. The ruling also prohibits the Navy from relying on its previously withdrawn findings under two other evaluation criteria to eliminate Saildrone. The court also barred the Navy from spending more than $1.5 billion of the $2.1 billion allocated for the program on production until it completes that reevaluation. A US Navy spokesperson told Breaking Defense that it will comply with the court’s order and reevaluate Saildrone’s proposal to determine if it will qualify for on-water testing. “The future of naval warfare will be fought on the water, not in a courtroom, Richard Jenkins, Saildrone’s founder and CEO, said in a statement on Monday. We are eager to move beyond this litigation and return our entire focus to delivering world-leading maritime autonomy for the US Navy, to help secure America’s future maritime dominance. This ruling is a win for fair competition, for taxpayers, and for national security.” Blue Water Ruling However, Hadji reached a different conclusion regarding Blue Water Autonomy, determining that “the Navy reasonably rated Blue Water unacceptable.”  The service eliminated the company from the competition for several reasons, including because it claimed that Blue Waters test vessel — a twin-hulled catamaran — was not “representative” of its production vessel, an axe-bow monohull. However, Blue Water Autonomy argued that the Navy deviated from its own evaluation requirements because “[h]ull and machinery plants are not listed as assets to be evaluated in the testing.” The court disagreed, and the opinion said that the Court concludes that representative unambiguously calls for comparing the test vessel with the production vessel, and noted that the solicitation did not exclude hull form or propulsion architecture from that comparison. Even so, Austin Gray, co-founder and chief strategy officer at Blue Water Autonomy, said in a statement to Breaking Defense that “nothing about the test vessel was core to our technology, our ship, or our product.” Gray also said the Navy has made positive changes in Phase II of its MUSV program the service unveiled in September. For example, Phase I required proposals to travel 2,500 nautical miles at 25 knots in sea state 4 conditions with a payload capacity of two 40-foot containers. In contrast, Phase II requires that proposals include a payload capacity of at least two standard 20-foot shipping containers and eliminates the high-speed requirement.  “The Navy’s new leadership team has already leaned ahead and fixed problems highlighted by the protest,” Gray said. “The Medium USV Phase II program steers away from the prescriptive, compliance-centric testing rules of the previous competition, a change made by thoughtful Navy acquisition professionals months ago.” Christopher Miller, Direct Reporting Portfolio Manager for robotic and autonomous systems (DRPM RAS) recently acknowledged some difficulties that Phase I requirements presented for industry. He said the Navy wants to “open the aperture” for new entrants and increase options for other services that may be interested in the capabilities.  “What I’m trying to do is also give more industry opportunities for companies that have something ready to go,” Miller told reporters in September. “Obviously with Phase I, there were some more challenging requirements that they had to meet, and so I’m trying to back off of those so that I can have a healthy, competitive industrial base and really use that to help us identify near-term opportunities to meet our operational demands.”

[Category: Naval Warfare, Blue Water Autonomy, Drones, MUSV, Navy, Saildrone, Unmanned]

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[l] at 11/4/26 3:47pm
In this episode of Congressional Roundup, Breaking Defenses Valerie Insinna explores how the Democrats sweeping midterm victories could reshape defense spending priorities in Washington. With both chambers changing hands and multiple veteran defense lawmakers departing, Congress faces a major shift in its approach to Pentagon oversight and funding. Insinna also looks ahead to the lame-duck session, where lawmakers face major decisions on defense funding and a potential reconciliation package. And renewed efforts to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth could force House Republicans into a politically difficult vote.

[Category: Congress, 2026 midterm elections, Congressional Roundup Video Series, House, senate, Video]

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[l] at 11/4/26 12:43pm
WASHINGTON — Acting Secretary of the Navy Hung Cao has appointed Rear Adm. Jonathan Rucker to lead Portfolio Acquisition Executive Maritime, the service announced today.  “President [Donald] Trump has given me a clear mandate: build the Golden Fleet,” Cao said in a statement from the Navy. “Admiral Rucker is the right leader at the right time to bring accountability to and accelerate our American shipbuilding system.” As PAE Maritime, Rucker will lead “the Navy’s surface ship acquisition efforts across the shipbuilding enterprise.” “We owe it to our Sailors and Marines to deliver the ships they need at speed with capability and quality to ensure they maintain our competitive advantage,” Rucker said in the statement. “I am eager to build the Fleet America needs now.” PAE Maritime was one of five PAE organizations stood up by the Navy in March as part of a wider acquisition reform initiative across the services. The office oversees all the surface fleet acquisition programs, including carriers, combatants and auxiliary vessels. Among its notable programs is the services Medium Landing Ship (LSM) program, which last week awarded Hanwha Defense USA the right to construct a new vessel in a $269 million deal Before today, Rucker has served as a director of design and construction for Direct Reporting Portfolio Manager (DRPM) Submarines since April, and prior to that he was the Program Executive Officer (PEO) for Attack Submarines, according to the announcement.  Rucker takes over for Chris Miller, who served as the inaugural chief of PAE Maritime. On Oct. 13, Cao formally appointed Miller to serve as both the PAE and DRPM for Robotic and Autonomous Systems (RAS) concurrently, according to a statement from the Navy.  

[Category: Naval Warfare, Pentagon, Hung Cao, Medium Landing Ship, Navy, portfolio acquisition executives, Rear Adm. Jonathan Rucker]

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[l] at 11/4/26 11:25am
PARIS — French shipbuilder Naval Group has unveiled an 8,000-ton drone carrier concept designed to deploy fleets of surface, aerial and underwater drones. “The return of high-intensity conflict and the emergence of hybrid naval warfare require a new vision. Naval Group answers with a new concept ship: SCX 26,” Naval Group wrote in a Tuesday post on X. Still in its blueprint stage, the company unveiled its concept at the Euronaval defense show in Paris. Naval Group said in a press release that it developed the carrier based on new operational requirements, lessons learned from recent wars, and medium- to long-term technological advancements.  The idea is for the carrier to be what the French group calls an “operational hub of a hybrid fleet,” able to launch a variety of drones for missions ranging from intelligence gathering to anti-submarine warfare. According to the theoretical capabilities outlined, the ship would measure 170 meters in length and weigh 8,000 tons, with a crew of 150. The carrier is expected to reach a maximum of 30 knots and roam the seas for more than 8,000 nautical miles. Naval Group plans for the ships core onboard weapon to be composed of “over 100 vertical launching system silos of various classes and an electromagnetic gun capable of rapid fire.” Separately, the French shipbuilder on Tuesday also signed a contract with the French Armament General Directorate (DGA) to begin manufacturing an unmanned combat underwater vehicle (UCUV) demonstrator intended for the French Navy.  While the project was officially launched in 2023, Naval Group since 2016 has self-funded the development of this extra-large underwater drone. During a nine-month study in 2023, the company said it tested Controlled Decision-Making Autonomy, an “onboard brain” algorithm that coordinates mission parameters and enables unmanned systems to autonomously execute challenging operations while adhering to human-defined mission boundaries.  The UCUV demonstrator’s first sea testing is slotted for 2028 to “validate a mid-term operational response” to new areas of conflict, Naval Group said.

[Category: Naval Warfare, Drones, Euronaval 2026, Europe, france, Naval Group, Navy]

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[l] at 11/4/26 10:37am
SINGAPORE — India has signed a contract with two local shipbuilders to build eight Next Generation Corvettes (NGCs) for its navy, the country’s defense ministry announced Monday.  The Indian government awarded Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers Limited (GRSE) and Goa Shipyard Limited (GSL) a contract valued at 53,866.50 crore Indian rupees (approximately US $5.7 billion) to build five and three corvettes, respectively. A crore is a unit in the Indian numbering system equal to 10 million. The corvettes will feature advanced missiles, weapons and sensor systems, allowing the ships to engage threats in the air, on the surface and underwater, according to the ministry.“The induction of these ships will significantly enhance the Indian Navy’s operational capabilities in safeguarding maritime trade routes, conducting anti-surface and anti-submarine warfare operations, strengthening coastal defence, undertaking littoral combat operations, and carrying out maritime presence and surveillance missions,” the ministry said in its announcement. The ministry described the contract award as a significant milestone, noting that it marks the first project in which the Indian navy will design the ships and government-owned shipyards — known as Defence Public Sector Undertakings (DPSUs) — will build them after being selected through a competitive process. Both GRSE and GSL are majority owned by the Indian government.  GRSE said in its own announcement that the corvettes “will measure 127 metres in length and 17.6 metres in beam, with a specified deadweight tonnage of 4,950 tonnes” and will be operated by a crew of 150, including 11 officers and 139 sailors.   The company added that the ships will be powered by a combined diesel and gas turbine–cross connect (CODAG-CC) propulsion arrangement driving two controllable-pitch propellers (CPP), giving them a top speed of 26 knots. The ships will be able to remain at sea for up to 14 days without replenishments. The shipbuilder also provided further details on the corvettes planned equipment, stating that they will be armed with indigenous Medium Range Anti-Ship Missiles (MRAShM — although this weapon has also been called the Naval Anti-Ship Missile or NASM-MR), MRSAM medium-range surface-to-air missiles and 324mm torpedo tubes. Other onboard weapons include the Leonardo 76mm Super Rapid naval gun, Russian AK-360 close-in weapon systems and 12.7mm remote weapon stations. The corvettes will also feature electro-optical infrared search-and-track systems and multifunction surveillance, tracking and guidance radars — although neither the ministry nor the shipbuilders have identified the specific systems selected.

[Category: Global, Naval Warfare, Asia, corvette, Indian Navy, Indo-Pacific, Navy]

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[l] at 11/3/26 10:33am
PARIS — BAE Systems today debuted a new series of naval guns designed to tackle airborne, surface, and shore threats at the Euronaval defense show in Paris.  The family of guns is derived from the Bofors 40 Mk4 naval gun that first started development more than 15 years ago. Each of the three variants come with their own characteristics, all designed around trying to meet the needs of modern navies, according to the firm. “The maritime threat landscape is evolving rapidly, creating a growing need for flexible and effective protection solutions,” Lena Gillström, president of BAE Systems Bofors, said in a news release. “With the Sea Tridon, navies and maritime operators can select the capability level that best meets their operational needs while benefiting from a common platform, proven technology and advanced programmable ammunition.” The three variants are: Sea Tridon, which combines the Bofors 40mm gun with an integrated electro-optical fire-control system that the company says will make it easier to integrate onto new platforms. Sea TridonC, a containerized version of the Sea Tridon. Militaries around the world have been experimenting with containerized systems, which can be swiftly deployed and, if needed, abandoned after use. Sea Trinity, which the company claims is the most advanced of the family. It comes with the Bofars 40mm gun and integrated fire control radar, and is specifically to be used to counter the kind of small missiles and drones that have come to represent major threats to ships in the Black Sea and the Gulf. Speaking to reporters at the show, Stefan Lofstrom, BAE Systems Bofors director of marketing and sales, emphasized that the new systems will use the companys already in-production ammunition. “Ammunition-wise, all those variants are compatible with our programmable 3P ammunition,” Lofstrom told reporters at Euronaval. “Thats been around on the market for a long time. Its well proven, again. Thats really the unique selling point with these systems: the 3P ammunition.” Lofstrom said that conversations are also underway with “several navies” right now about the integration of the Sea Tridon guns on unmanned systems that would go out to sea without human support for weeks at a time, in order to work out how certain aspects like gun maintenance and ammunition reloading could be handled without crew aboard. Customers for BAE’s Mk4 naval gun already include the UKs Royal Navy and the Royal Netherlands Navy, who have purchased the weapon for some of their frigates. Additionally, the Royal Netherlands Navy and the Belgian Navy, among others, have selected the naval gun for their mine countermeasure vessels.  “The starting point for this family of new products is the existing customer base, but then we, in parallel, have ongoing customer conversations with I would say a handful or two handfuls of customers,” Lofstrom said. “We dont have a launch customer for [the Sea Tridon family] yet, but we have some advanced discussions with different customers.”  CORRECTION 11/4/26 at 1:04 pm ET: The original version of this story described BAE Systems as British. BAE Systems is the American arm of BAE. This story has been updated to reflect that.

[Category: Naval Warfare, Advanced Gun System, BAE Systems, BAE Systems Bofors, Belgium, Euronaval 2026, Europe, Navy, royal navy, Royal Netherlands Navy]

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[l] at 11/3/26 9:23am
BEIRUT — Months after the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan signed the Mecca Pact, Syria has expressed interest in joining the mutual defense arrangement, its foreign minister said. “Discussions are currently under way to evaluate Syria’s entry into the Mecca alliance,” Asaad al-Shaibani said during the IISS Manama Dialogue in Bahrain on Saturday. The Mecca Pact, signed on Aug. 7, aims to “strengthen collective deterrence against any act of aggression, and stipulates that any armed attack against any one of the three states shall be regarded as an attack against them all. It further provides for the enhancement of all aspects of defense cooperation among the three states, the countries announced in a joint statement at the time. The three existing members are expected to boost defense production cooperation with a trilateral ecosystem, experts told Breaking Defense in August. The Mecca Pact was signed amid increasing regional attacks from Iran-backed Houthis, and while Syria is recovering from a 14-year civil war that ended in December 2024. Highlighting Syrias stance, al-Shaibani said, “Syria considers that the security of the GCC [Gulf Cooperation Council] and the Gulf is a part of its regional security and vice versa. Consequently, Syria stands by all the Gulf states. Regardless of any other political positions, we stand by the governments of the Gulf and the peoples of the Gulf to face all the challenges and all the trans-border militias.” Al-Shaibanis comments at the Manama Dialogue come as Syria eyes to end all foreign military bases in the country, according to a September speech by President Ahmad al-Sharaa. Al-Sharaa noted at the time that the move would allow the country to have “complete and pure sovereignty of the Syrian state.” Similarly, al-Shaibani said at the Manama dialogue that Syria has “expelled militias that have intervened in Syria, and it is possible to convey this experience and to expand cooperation and collaboration with other countries facing the same problem. Because any weapon outside the scope of the state will weaken the state before harming the others and harming the neighborhood.” Syria is not the only Arab state that might join the pact. Defense expert Riad Kahwaji told Breaking Defense in August that Qatar and Kuwait are other possible candidates. “We already have a defense pact between Kuwait and Pakistan, and we have another one between Qatar and Turkey. So I believe these two countries would be the most likely first candidates to join this this pact,” Kahwaji said then.

[Category: Global, Gulf Cooperation Council, IISS Manama Dialogue, Mecca pact, Middle East, pakistan, Saudi Arabia, syria, turkey]

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[l] at 11/3/26 8:34am
The threats faced by crewed fighters on today’s battlefield have proliferated at a staggering pace. That’s why the time has come for the U.S., along with its allies in Europe and across the globe, to adopt autonomous Uncrewed Aircraft Systems (UAS) at scale. The modern air defense environment has grown dramatically more lethal. Powerful radars, highly capable anti-air missiles, and loitering munitions now menace even the most advanced tactical aircraft. Ground-based, long-range missiles can threaten fixed targets, such as airfields, across entire regions.  These capabilities are no longer limited to major powers with advanced technology — they have trickled down to second-tier nations and even terrorist groups. The reemergence of industrial-scale warfare demands an industrial-scale response. Yet the cost of still-vital crewed fighters has become unaffordable even to nations with world-leading defense budgets such as the United States.  Crewed-uncrewed teaming offers a solution. By using uncrewed fighters designed for simplicity and mass production, nations can affordably overwhelm, disperse, and eliminate enemy air defenses while diverting enemy tactical aircraft away from crewed fighters and bombers. GA-ASI’s Gambit Series of Uncrewed Aerial Combat Vehicles (UCAVs) was developed to address precisely this challenge. Each Gambit is a mission-focused uncrewed combat aircraft designed to operate alongside crewed fighters. A Modular Approach to Affordable Mass Rather than building a single aircraft for every mission, GA-ASI created a modular family of uncrewed jet fighters with variants optimized for distinct operational roles.  This approach avoids the costs of multi-mission aircraft, which in many cases are not best suited for roles that require flying into the teeth of enemy air defenses. It also retains common hardware across the family. Indeed, Gambit strikes the right balance between cost and capability. About 70 percent of Gambit’s key components, including the landing gear, baseline avionics, and core airframe structures, are shared among its variants. This commonality simplifies production, lowers lifecycle costs, and accelerates the creation of mission-specific aircraft. The family includes: Gambit 1: Long-endurance ISR Gambit 2: Air-to-air combat Gambit 3: Adversary air training Gambit 4: Stealth combat reconnaissance Gambit 5: Carrier-based operations Gambit 6: Air-to-ground missions Gambit 6 was developed specifically to meet the needs of European nations facing advanced, industrial-scale threats on their eastern front. It has been optimized for electronic warfare, suppression of enemy air defenses, and deep precision strike in contested environments.  Each Gambit features a signature-reducing internal weapons bay that supports the integration of electronic warfare systems, precision-guided munitions, sensors, and autonomy software. The modular architecture and signature-reducing weapons bay allow for easy integration of advanced autonomy, sensors, and weapons systems, ensuring the aircraft can adapt to a wide range of operational scenarios. Operational Experience and Production Readiness The U.S. Air Force recently awarded an initial production contract to GA-ASI for its FQ-42 Vengeance Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA), a derivative of Gambit 2. This means that GA-ASI is already in serial production of the world’s first uncrewed fighter jet. The FQ-42 Vengeance CCA is now in full-scale production for the U.S. Air Force. GA-ASI’s position in the CCA market is rooted in nearly two decades of development, both through independent research and development and in collaboration with the U.S. Air Force.   Leveraging its more than five million square feet of fully operational manufacturing facilities, GA-ASI is ready to begin producing aircraft at scale the moment a contract is awarded.  Optimized for European Requirements For European customers, Gambit is a platform that supports sovereign integration and industrial participation.  General Atomics’ German affiliate, General Atomics AeroTec Systems GmbH, could support local assembly, integration, and testing for German programs, while partnerships with European industry would enable integration of national sensors, mission systems, and autonomy software. GA-ASI’s CCA solution for Europe leverages the U.S. Air Force’s FQ-42 and would be assembled in Germany in partnership with European industry. GA-ASI expects Gambit 6 airframes to be available for international procurement beginning in 2027, with European missionized versions deliverable by 2029. By choosing Gambit, European nations gain a combat-ready, sovereign platform that combines cutting-edge technology with domestic industrial growth and strategic autonomy. With its unmatched capabilities, production readiness, and commitment to indigenous integration, Gambit represents a scalable solution designed to counter today’s threats and address tomorrow’s challenges.

[Category: Air Warfare, Sponsored Post, Air Force, CCA, collaborative combat aircraft, Europe, FQ-42 Vengeance, Gambit, Gambit 6, General Atomics IFC, IFC 2026, Presented by General Atomics GA-ASI, Sponsored Content, technology, UAS, Unmanned]

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[l] at 11/3/26 8:25am
WASHINGTON — Former Secretary of the Army Dan Driscoll has joined OpenAI as a senior counselor for national security modernization — a newly established role — according to a release from the company and Driscoll’s LinkedIn page.  “National security requirements are changing faster than at any time in the past fifty years. This technology will help them keep pace by cutting through paperwork, making sense of more information, and getting the right answer to the right person faster,” Driscoll said in the company’s announcement Monday evening.  “I’m joining OpenAI to help the United States and our allies put this technology to work responsibly, for the people who keep us safe,” he continued.   In this role, the former 26th secretary of the Army will advise senior leadership and external partners” on how AI can bolster national security and cybersecurity, with a specific focus on working with US allies to advance the “responsible use” of AI, per the company’s announcement.  OpenAI CEO Sam Altman said he’s “excited to welcome Dan Driscoll to OpenAI to strengthen American leadership” and help the company work with other countries to “spread the adoption of democratic AI.” Driscoll joins the company after the Pentagon’s high-profile fight with AI company Anthropic, in which the military wanted unrestricted access to Anthropic’s Claude model but the company ultimately refused. After months of back and forth, the altercation resulted in the Pentagon shifting its classified network integrations toward other AI providers including OpenAI.  Driscoll resigned from his secretary position in the Army in late August following months of a reported strained relationship with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. During his tenure as secretary, Driscoll, an Iraq War veteran who has a background in venture capital, prioritized military modernization with efforts such as Operation Jailbreak, the sprawling Army Transformation Initiative, the low-cost interceptor program and more.  According to his LinkedIn page, in between his stint as secretary and his new role at OpenAI, Driscoll served as an advisor at counter-drone company Perennial Autonomy and public affairs firm Watchtower Strategy. 

[Category: Land Warfare, Pentagon, Army, artificial intelligence AI, Dan Driscoll, OpenAI]

As of 11/8/26 2:26am. Last new 11/6/26 12:46pm.

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