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[l] at 1/21/21 4:24pm
Author: Dora Marsden
Title: The Illusion of Anarchism
Date: 1914
Notes: Originally published in The Egoist Volume I Number 18 (October 15th, 1914)
Source: Retrieved on 01/14/2021 from https://consciousegoism.6te.net/pdfs/essays/TheIllusionOfAnarchism.pdf

ANARCHISTS are an interesting body of people whom governments take too seriously and who, unfortunately, do not take themselves seriously enough. Governments fear them as hostile, bent on mischief: whereas they are harmless, after the disconcerting harmless manner of infants. For the People indeed: for Humanity, they conceive themselves filled with an ardent passion: but towards the ways of humans — when they, as men, emerge from out the blurred composite mass of “Humanity” — they are averse in the thorough-going implacable way possible only to people who frame their dislikes on principle. Doubtless, if one were to search the world over for the bitterest-sounding opponents of the theory that we are all “born in sin” with our natural bent inherently set towards “evil”, one would fix upon the anarchists: but this is their idiosyncrasy: a foil to contrast with their main tenets. Their opposition penetrates no deeper than a dislike for the phrase, because perhaps more commonplace persons than themselves have espoused it. In substance it forms the body of anarchism, and anarchists are not separated in anyway from kinship with the devout. They belong to the Christians’ Church and should be recognised as Christianity’s picked children. Only quality distinguishes them from the orthodox: a distinction in which the advantage is theirs. As priests administering the sacraments they would not be ill-placed.

At the birth of every unit of life, there is ushered into existence — an Archist. An Archist is one who seeks to establish, maintain, and protect by the strongest weapons at his disposal, the law of his own interests; while the purpose of every church — institutions all teaching anarchism as the correct spirit in conduct — is to make men willing to assert, that though they are born and inclined archists, they OUGHT to be anarchists. This is the true meaning of the spirit of renunciation — the rock on which the Church is built. The “OUGHT” represents the installation of Conscience, that inner spiritual police set in authority by the will and the skill of the preacher. Its business is to bind the Archistic desires which would maintain and press further their own purposes in favour of the purposes of whomsoever the preacher pleases: God: or Right: or the People: or the Anointed: or those set in Office. Whether the preacher or the individual’s desires will prevail will pivot about the strength of the man’s individual vitality. If the man is alive, his own interests are alive, and their importance stands to him with an intense assertiveness which corresponds with the level of his own vitality, of which the strength of his own interests alone can provide a sure index. Being alive, the first living instinct is to intensify the consciousness of life, and pressing an interest is just this process of intensifying consciousness. All growing life-forms are aggressive: “aggressive” is what growing means. Each fights for its own place, and to enlarge it, and enlarging it is growth. And because life-forms are gregarious there are myriads of claims to lay exclusive hold upon any place. The claimants are myriad: bird, beast, plant, insect, vermin — each will assert its own sole claim on any place as long as it is permitted: as witness the pugnacity of gnat, weed, and flea: the scant ceremony of the housewife’s broom, the axe which makes a clearing, the scythe, the fisherman's net, the slaughter-house bludgeon: all assertions of aggressive interests promptly countered by more powerful interests! The world falls to him who can take it, if instinctive action can tell us anything.

It is into this colossal encounter of interests, i.e., of lives, that the anarchist breaks in with his “Thus far and no farther. Lower interests may be vetoed without question, or with a regretful sigh, but MAN must be immune. MAN as MAN must be protected: his Manhood is his shield: to immunity his Manhood creates and confers his Right. The lower creation stands and falls by its might or lack of it: but Manhood confers a protection of its own.” Who guarantees the protection? “The conscience of him who can infringe it. If that fails, then the outraged consciences of other men, jealous for the dignity of ‘Man’. Such an one as does not hold in awe the Rights of Man, who does not bow down to the worth of Man as Man, and not merely as a living being, and hold it Sacred and Holy, he shall be held to be not of the community of Man but a monster preying upon the human fold, fit only to be flung out, and to foregather with his familiars — wolves and strange monsters.” That is the creed of an Anarchist, whose other name is “Humanitarian”. His creed explains why he loves humanity but disapproves of men whose ways please him not. For men do not act after the anarchistic fashion one towards another. They are friendly and affectionate animals in the main: but interests are as imperative with them as with the tiger and the ape, and they press them forward, deterred only by the calculation of the hostility they may arouse by disturbing the interests which they cross, as cross they must, since by extending the tentacles of interest is their way of growth. That this is so would be plainer to see if men had single interests (as some men have, and then it is all plain enough). But men have many, and what might be expected to be a straight course is a zigzaged line. And interests lead not only by way of oppositions: by wrestling for possessions: in love, for instance, they lead to a seeming commingling of interest. It is only seeming: the love interest is as archistic as any other. Into this stimulating clash of powers the anarchist introduces his “law” of “the inviolability of individual liberty”. “It is feasible to push,” he would say, “the line of satisfaction of men’s wants — since being born into life and sin they will not wholly renounce them — but only to the lengths where it can be squared with the wants of everyone else. Such wants will work out perhaps, and probably merely to the satisfaction of certain elementary needs: of earth-room, of sustenance and clothing: a title to which are the indefeasible Rights of Man. Only when these have been assumed to all may the interests of any be pushed further. To wealth, according to his necessities, each has a right; in return each must serve as he can”. It must be acknowledged that it is a creed which lends itself exceeding well to eloquence carrying the correct noble ring with it; it makes converts increasingly; and when it wears thin in one garb it readily rehabilitates itself in changed raiment; as Christianity, as Humanitarianism, anarchism successfully and continually seduces Public Opinion.

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[l] at 1/21/21 4:19pm
Author: Alfredo M. Bonanno
Title: The moral fracture
Date: Mars 1988
Notes: Translated by @antihornyneph. Original italian text, La frattura morale, was retrieved from the collection A mano armata, Edizioni Anarchismo.
Source: https://neph.substack.com/p/the-moral-fracture-bonanno

That an action is considered “just" is not a sufficient element of judgment for it to be put in action, executed. For this to happen other elements are necessary, some of which, like the final moral consideration, are completely alien to the objective basis and justice of the action in itself. This can be seen in the difficulty that every comrade comes across in the moment they find themselves undertaking actions that at the light of sole logic seem exemplary. It is, like I will try to demonstrate here, of a moral obstacle that must be overcome, an obstacle that leads to the creation of a real moral "fracture", with consequences not always easy to foresee.

We have been sustaining for a long time, with multiple other comrades, the uselessness of mass movements, pacific and demonstrative. Instead, alongside movements of mass, organized in an insurrectionary fashion, we advocate for the possibility (the necessity, even), of small destructive actions, direct attacks against the structures of capital responsible for the current situation of exploitation and genocide at a global scale. Putting aside discussions on method and political validity, it seems useful to reflect a little on the diverse personal disposition of said actions.

Deep down, in each and every one of us, no matter how many theoretical analyses we've done, ghosts remain: someone's property belongs to them. Others could be the someone's life, God, civilization of behaviors, sex, tollerance for other's opinion, and so on. We all are, to limit ourselves to knowledge, against property, but, the moment we reach out a hand to attack it, inside of us an alarm sets off. Centuries of moral conditioning act unconsciously and trigger two reactions, equal and contrary. On one hand, the shiver of the forbidden, which brings many comrades to senseless robberies often beyond immediate and inevitable need; on the other hand, the discomfort for an "immoral" behavior. Putting that shiver aside, which does not interest me and that I will gladly leave to those who enjoy such things, to those who want to insist on this “discomfort”. The thing is that we are all reduced to the status of animals in the pack. It is not here the case to quote and I do not accept any authority. The matter is obvious. The morality that everyone (“everyone”, so even those who negate it theoretically and then find alibis of every type to not turn this negation into praxis) shares is that “altruism”, gentlemanly in the behavior, tolerant in the relations, egalitarian and levelling in the utopias. And the territories of this moral are yet to be discovered. How many are the comrades who proudly declare to have visited some of them and then would back down horrified before the breasts of their own sister ? Maybe many, certainly not few. And we are always prisoners of an idea of slavery, said moral, when we justify before ourselves (and before the tribunal of history) our attack against private property, claiming that the expropriators shall be expropriated. In this way, we confirm the "eternal" validity of morality of our previous masters, deferring to those who will come later the task of judging whether we can or cannot consider expropriators those in whose hands we have put back what we have personally expropriated. Justification after justification, we almost build back the church. I have said "almost", because deep down we do notice, but we are scared of it.

When we take away the property of others, this fact has a social meaning, it constitutes a rebellion, and precisely for this reason, the possessors of property that are attacked must be representatives of the class that detains property and not simple possessors of something. We are not aesthetes of the nihilist act, for which it would be ok to deprive charity from the dish of the poor because that "is" property. But the act of expropriation has a meaning precisely in its class context, not in the "wrong" behavior of someone we sought to expropriate has had in the past. Otherwise, we'd have to exclude because of legitimacy the capitalist who pays his employees according to the syndical rate and doesn't deprive them of anything according to the law, moreover to not sell at exorbitant prices and does not commit usury. Why should we even care about such things ? The same problem emerges when we talk about "destructive" actions. Many comrades cannot stay at peace. Why these actions ? What is their finality ? What is their validity ? They do not cause utility to us, only damage to others. Attacking, for example, just for the love of discussion, a corporation which provides weapons to South Africa or funds the racist regime of Israel or projects nuclear plants or makes electronic devices that are then used to better address traditional weapons, and many other similar activities, the emphasis is not so much put on the specific responsibility of who we are attacking, as it is in its class position. Specific responsibilities are elements of judgment for the strategic and political choice, class collocation is the only element of judgment for the ethical choice. This way we can shed some light. The moral basis of the action resides entirely in the class difference, in the diverse affinity of two components of society that cannot be mixed or make pacts and whose existence will end with the destruction of either of them. The political and strategic basis instead determines a series of considerations that can also be contradictory.

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[l] at 1/21/21 4:12pm
Author: Alfredo M. Bonanno
Title: Love and death
Date: June 1992
Notes: Translated by @antihornyneph. Original Italian text, La morte e l'amore, was retrieved from the collection A mano armata, Edizioni Anarchismo.
Source: Retrieved on 21/01/2021 from https://neph.substack.com/p/death-and-love

Macke thy love larger to enlarge my worth

(Elizabeth Barrett Browing)

From an extended silence lacking signals, a taciturn pact based on the freedom between comrades, bursts out, breaking the ice, the police notice of death, which every hope of the soul insists on not believing. Little lines from the journals. The death of an anarchist with his explosive. Luigi Di Blasi, lacerated by a bomb. Impossible. Everyone of those who had known him, and loved him, negate the categorizing thought of death, the definitive closing that like a bleak basalt that seals the uncessant emerging of life and gives it to the regard of those who survived, remorseful actors of a requiem whom in other times, before the spontaneous and unstoppable insurgence of projects and actions, were dispersed among sophisms of uncertitude, sufficient to ensure their own greedy and inconceivable safety.

Believing in this reality, which on the other sides the silence strives to reiterate, means only that to admit the mortal unattainability of our rocky dreams, of the construction of a marvelous world, never closed off in a program or in ties of rational coldness, but precisely because of this always imaginable, always spurred, dragged, by the way Gigi saw reality, by the way in which reality was seen by his eyes. But his tongue, merciless and rigid, doesn't admit unfathomable paths. He needs, in the very use of the past tense, the surety of a police certificate. So the grammatical instrument brings us to the end, in the sunny territory of safety, while Gigi favored the shady edges, where he could walk closer to the joyous feeling of life, with his comrades, that in the torrid necessity of action often found only cataloguing and closing. Surely, one of the only ones we ever knew whose personality's plenitude was seized in the things to be done and, at the same time, in the way they were done ,because, beyond doing there were other comrades with whom he had to do it, and this only in the perspective of a common growth not based on the gossip of ideology, but on feelings, on mutual trust, on respecting one another, on desire and joy for life.

It is not our intention to write an obituary, a dreadful word that reminds us of the inescapable mission that often our deads silently leave us and which we have always denied to accomplish. This time again we are ugly gatherers of memories, also because, like Empedocles' sandal, not some part but all of Gigi's short life stays with us, promptly alive, actively meaningful.

We don't want to remember, we want to live. The rest, from the dull silence to the fleeting chit-chat that teaches us to roam left and right, building fantastic deductions and preoccupied distanciations, doesn't tell us a thing. Injustice and ignorance seem to be walking surely. It doesn't bother us. But the air we breath can still make us remember the polished cortex of his words heard trough duinatic elogies, and as much as this could be one of our operations, if man has the strength to go beyond itself, it can also go beyond time, win suffering, pain, even death.

With Baudelaire we can clearly, always see deep down his (the cat's) adorable eyes the hour, always that same one, an immense hour, solemn, big like the space, not partitioned in minutes or seconds, a motionless hour that is not shown by clocks.

It is our way to tie back a memory, of respecting a will that sought to go beyond the limits that enclose man and its excessively humane mishaps, a revolutionary will that sought to transform the world.

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[l] at 1/20/21 4:02pm
Author: Peter Gelderloos
Title: Charting Revolt
Subtitle: Resisting the Tendency Towards Reactionary Sociology
Date: January 19, 2020
Source: Retrieved on January 20, 2021 from https://anarchistnews.org/content/charting-revolt-resisting-tendency-towards-reactionary-sociology

In the eventuality capitalism maintains its stranglehold on the planet, the official histories of the present moment of resistance, decades from now, will claim that the battles raging around us began with the economic recession of 2008 and were further exacerbated by a second recession in 2020. The reason for this framing is fairly obvious: it obscures longer histories of revolt, particularly the exact forerunners of greater rebellions; and it portrays us, the plebes, as simple mechanical accessories that only enter into dysfunction when the economy fails to produce abundance, as though we were just puppets dancing on the strings of finance.

It is more unsettling, though far from surprising, when such framings of our history come from within the movement, although nearly always, the academic wing thereof.

What revolts do we miss out on with this framing? In fact, we exclude all the important revolts that successfully broke with the Cold War logic that had suffocated social struggle for decades and developed the very logics and practices that would be deployed so forcefully after 2008. The Oka Standoff in 1990, the Los Angeles riots of 1992, the Zapatista uprising in 1994, the Seattle riots of 1999, the Second Intifada of 2000-2005, the Black Spring in Kabylie in 2001, the Argentine general strike and riots of 2001, the Bolivian Gas War of 2005, the French banlieue uprising of 2005 and anti-CPE riots of 2006, to name just a few.

What revolutionary developments do we excise when we do not view these movements as the originators of our current wave of rebellions? Practically everything important:

- the tactical focus on blockading infrastructure to bring the capitalist system to its knees

- multitudinous actions largely at the margins of all formal organizations

- the centrality of Indigenous land struggles and antiracist uprisings

- a refusal to dialogue with existing institutions and instead an insistence on disrupting their summits and their managerial dominance

- in the US, a determination by part of the anarchist movement to always intervene after police murders

- in both France and Northern Africa, the practice of responding to deaths after police encounters—including those who commit suicide after being humiliated by the police—with massive riots

- in Greece and Spain, turning sabotage into a high visibility practice, following the theory of insurrectionary generalization

- in Mexico, developing a revolutionary organizational framework that is specifically anti-vanguardist, that seeks to create spaces of dialogue across social movements rather than controlling such movements, and that breaks with the statist practice of subsuming revolution to a military contest

- from Algeria to Mexico, an emphasis on traditional, Indigenous, assembly-based decision-making structures as more legitimate and more liberatory than state structures

Interestingly, we can find a few of these features in the movements that occurred during the Cold War, such as wildcat strikes and antiracist urban rebellions, but all of them—from Paris '68 to Watts—were quickly marginalized, coopted, or stifled by the more formally organized forces that were dominant in those movements. Additionally, the vast majority of movements in that time period took seriously the fictions of neoliberal freedom in the NATO bloc or democratic centralism in the anticolonial movements of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Such fictions hold little water today.

Without the developments described above, the revolts that come after 2008 can be scarcely understood, and explaining them as byproducts of an economic recession is disingenuous, not least of which because it's a sloppy explanation: the insurrection in Greece in December 2008 came before the recession was really felt in the streets; the plaza occupation movement in Spain began after austerity measures were announced but before they took effect, and major rebellions in Turkey and Brazil took place when those countries were in moments of rapid economic growth.

Even more importantly, the first major victories against neoliberalism—in Bolivia in 2003 and 2005, in France in 2006—occurred before our current rebellions supposedly began. Is there not the shadow of a possibility that our fierce resistance, by marking a hard limit to financial expansion, was a factor in triggering the economic recession, rather than being a mere product of it? It makes perfect sense why capitalist economists would never want to consider the possibility that we the plebes might become movers of history and wreckers of economies, but why would supposed anticapitalists insist on ignoring that possibility? Just to continue spoon-feeding a decrepit theory that goes from clownish to macabre when it continues to insist, after 150 years of disasters and bad calls, that it constitutes a scientific approach to revolution?

The economistic, quantitative analysis that claims our resistance begins with economic downturns shares more in common with the gaze of those hired to dissect revolt than with the gaze of those who participate in it. As summarized in 23 Theses Concerning Revolt, “Today all belong to the ruling class who view their own lives from above.”

- Distri Josep Gardenyes 23 Theses Concerning Revolt

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[l] at 1/19/21 2:43pm
Author: MASA
Title: Students and MASA against Broadway cinema
Date: July 25, 2009
Source: Retrieved on 19th January 2021 from libcom.org

On the evening of Friday, the 24th of July, students – ex-workers of Broadway cinema in Split – organized a protest, because the management of the Broadway cinema didn’t pay them their full salaries for April, May and the June. Ten people have gathered in the front of the cinema’s entrance with the banner “Bojkot kina” (eng. The boycott of the cinema). They also had leaflets that advocated the people to boycott the cinema, because of humiliating and exploiting workers. After 20 minutes, the security has shown up, and the students moved away so that they don’t have trouble with security. This was only the first protest of warning to management of the cinema.

Mateo, the member of MASA’s local group from Split, said: “The management hasn’t reacted the way we wanted, so the actions will repeat soon”.

The Network of Anarcho-Syndicalists (MASA) has connected itself with Split’s students after their first statement for the media. MASA also made an interview with 3 workers from Zagreb, who have also been treated same way (just a few years ago!).

MASA sent an email to the management of the Broadway cinema on Wednesday, 22nd of July demanding them to pay full salaries to students/workers (in Zagreb, the workers are included) within the next 3 days. Their reply to our e-mail was:

Dear,

We suggest You before yours “unsparing propaganda campaign” to check the statements of your clients. You haven’t asked us nothing, of course, and you are just threatening us, but the Students’ service has all the data about our “debts” to students, so check that out.

(Explanation: Students’ service is an institution where students must take out their contracts if they want to work. Students’ service also stands as the mediator between the bosses and the students/workers and students get their paychecks from them.)

We are sure that the purpose of your existence is not only to “revolt” and make noise, but it’s to protect the rights of socially threatened population, but, also, you can be punished for spreading the untruths and making damage to the reputation of business subjects.

Issa

Audiovizualna zabava d.o.o.

(Siniša Vidović)

Since the only answer of the management should have been, but isn’t paying full salaries to the workers/students, this kind of answer is just an attempt of retraction, and hiding the real problem. Also, this is an attempt of shifting responsibility from one institution to another institution. As far as we know – Students’ service has made a law suit against Broadway cinema, because they claim that Broadway cinema is their “biggest defaulter”.

We would like to remind people that this is not the first case of such treatment of the workers and students in Broadway cinema. In August of 2008th MASA fought against the same cinema because they didn’t pay our member and his fellow workers. We won this battle and all of them got their deserved salaries.

We from the MASA are very happy that our comrades from FAU have helped us in this action with their e-mail to the management. FAU also has similar problems in Germany, since they are running the campaign against the Babylon cinema. Good luck comrades in your fight!

International Secretary of MASA
sec.international[at]masa-hr.org

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[l] at 1/19/21 2:36pm
Author: MASA
Title: Resignation of the Prime Minister of Croatia, dr. sc. Ivo Sanader
Subtitle: MASA’s official statement
Date: July 3, 2009
Source: Retrieved on 19th January 2021 from libcom.org

On the first day of July 2009, Croatian Prime Minister dr. sc. Ivo Sanader, who is also the president of Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (eng. Croatian Democratic Community – the largest Croatian conservative party, currently holding power in Croatia.), suddenly resigned from his position as the Prime Minister of Croatia. In accordance with the situation, an appropriate metaphor for the Prime Minister’s resignation appeared among the people: “Rats are first to leave the sinking ship”. “Sinking ship” is an appropriate description for the economic system whose one and only interest is the profit of the bosses and politicians, while exploiting the workers and seriously damaging our Planet’s ecosystem. The first rat ready to leave the ship is, at the same time, one of the most responsible criminals, but, since we don’t want to be too severe to our now ex-Prime Minister, we shall agree with his statement that says that the crisis shaking Croatia is not some kind of isolated and particular crisis but a crisis of global proportions, and we shall add: it is caused by a global cause — global capitalist system. This is a crisis caused by the system defended by our exploiters, bosses and politicians with vigor and commitment, while diligently trying to convince us that we, the exploited ones, are also partly responsible for the crisis produced in fact exclusively by them and by their system of exploitation.

We believe that it is extremely important for the workers to recognize the demagogy of dr. Ivo Sanader’s and HDZ’s political rivals, who are using this opportunity to promote themselves and to hide the real cause of all the problems – the system itself. They are only offering us solutions in the form of their political programmes, not in any way different from the programmes of the ruling political criminals. We sholud always bear in mind that parliamentary democracy is a prank used by our bosses and politicians to legitimate their system of exploitation. It is a prank they are using in order to convince us that we also have an important role in administering the society, by casting papers in ballot boxes. Parliamentary democracy is a contradiction in itself. There is no democracy until we, fellow workers, aren’t able to directly, without representatives who will speak and make decisions on our behalf, start making decisions regarding our working places and our local communities.

While the system of politicians and bosses is chocking in problems, very recently the students have shown us, blocking their faculties, their “working paces”, the method of struggle, the method that should not pass without being noticed. They showed us that, when it comes to things concerning all of us, the decisions regarding those things should also be made by all of us. They reminded us about one, obviously forgotten thesis — the hierarchy is corrupted, unfair and harmful by itself. Once again we are posing the important question of direct-democratic decision-making and organizing.

We, The Network of Anarcho-syndicalists (Mreža anarhosindikalista i anarhosindikalistkinja — MASA), want to emphasise the fact that we should use this method, direct democracy, in the struggle for our jobs, our neighborhoods and communities, and that we don’t need it only as a method, but also as a goal. A goal that will enable us to make decisions regarding our own fates. We mustn’t allow that we — the exploited and the humiliated, suffer the consequences produced by the crisis created by the owners and the politicians. We mustn’t allow them to hide the true cause of the problem — the capitalism and the state as the protector of the capitalist’s privileges — and to annihilate self-organized resistance to the system of exploitation and submission, and the efforts towards the achievement of a just society.

For politics without politicians!

For the society without hierarchy and exploitation!

National secretariat of Network of Anarcho-Syndicalists
(Mreža anarhosindikalista i anarhosindikalistkinja — MASA)

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[l] at 1/19/21 2:31pm
Author: Juraj Katalenac
Title: What’s up with Bosnia?
Date: February 6, 2014
Notes: Published in Insurgent Notes.
Source: Retrieved on 19th January 2021 from insurgentnotes.com

Since the beginning of recent struggles in Bosnia, I’ve received many questions from Western comrades about their character and what is actually going on. A lot of comrades were dissatisfied with media coverage which didn’t provide enough information. Initially, I’ve decided to be careful and not to comment on Bosnia, because I feel like I don’t have enough information to provide a deeper analysis. That is the reason why this article is more of a short journalistic analysis. Of course, a final in depth analysis will follow later.

So, what’s up with Bosnia?

From Industrial Struggle to Riots

Everything began with demonstrations of workers in five of Tuzla’s factories: Dita, Polihem, Poliolhem, GUMARA and Konjuh. Workers were protesting against privatization of their companies which leads to bankruptcy and lock outs. One could think that this is just another ex-Yugoslavia workers’ story, because indeed such cases are pretty common but, maybe precisely because they are so common, the workers went further. Since workers were persistent in their demonstrations, police have intervened by beating up and arresting many of them. That was the spark that turned into a wildfire.

On February 7, Bosnia was on its feet protesting against corrupt government, unemployment and the overall social situation. The situation erupted and masses were on the streets.

In Tuzla, police surrendered to protestors, laid down their shields, helmets and batons, and let the masses storm the buildings. Protestors burned down the headquarters of Tuzla’s City Assembly and that of the City Administration. Workers from the five Tuzla’s factories issued their demands:

  1. Maintaining public order in cooperation between citizens, police and the civil protection, to avoid any criminalization, politicization and manipulation of any protests.

  2. Establishing a technical government, made up of professional, non-political party members, uncompromised people, who have not had a single mandate in any level of government, which would lead the Tuzla canton to the election of 2014. This Government shall have the duty to submit weekly plans and reports on the activities and achievement of given objectives. The government’s work is to be monitored by all interested citizens.

  3. Resolving, by emergency procedure, the questions of regularity of the privatization of the following companies: Dita, Polihem, Poliolhem, GUMARA and Konjuh, and:

    • bind the length of service and ensure health care for the workers;

    • prosecute the economic criminals and all the actors who participated in it;

    • seize illegally acquired assets;

    • annul the privatization contracts;

    • do a revision of privatization;

    • return the factories to workers and place them under the control of public authorities in order to safeguard the public interest, and start production in those factories where possible.

  4. Balancing the salaries of government representatives to the salaries of employees in the public and private sectors.

  5. Cancellation of additional payments to representatives of the government, as personal income, on the basis of participation in commissions, committees and other bodies, as well as other unreasonable and unjustified compensations that workers in the public and private sectors don’t have.

  6. The abolition of wages for ministers and possibly other government officials, who are getting wage payments after the expiration or termination of their mandate.[1]

In Sarajevo, protesters burned down the headquarters of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Sarajevo Canton, along with various cars. Windows were smashed on Hypo Bank. The building of the Archive of Bosnia and Herzegovina got caught in the fire and some material was destroyed. It is worthwhile to note that the facts run counter to the media campaign stating that protesters deliberately set it on fire. Since the material was from the time of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the media have used this incident to discredit the demonstrations.

In Mostar, protesters stormed and burned down the headquarters of the Herzego-Neretvanian government. After that, they burned down with Molotov cocktails the headquarters of the City Administration, the Croatian Democratic Union’s[2] and the Party of Democratic Action’s[3] HQs. Police didn’t intervene, because in last few months they haven’t chosen a director of regional police, who is the only person that can activate Special Forces. In these demonstrations, protestors from “both sides of the river” (i.e., both Bosniaks and Croats) participated.

In Zenica, protestors stormed the mayor’s office, and he said that he’d offer his resignation if that would help solving the crisis. The Prime Minister of Tuzla Canton, Sead Čaušević, offered his resignation. Was that a first victory for a movement?

According to the Croatian newspaper Jutarnji List, in protests in Sarajevo 93 people were injured, of which 73 were police officers and 20 civilians. Overall police repression was really severe and it was one of the triggers for these riots. There are numerous videos showing police beating up people, throwing rocks at them or throwing them in a river. Some European Union politicians even threatened armed intervention[4] if riots didn’t stop. This shouldn’t be taken as a mere threat since Himzo Selimović, Director of the Directorate for the Coordination of Police Units in the Bosnian Federation, asked the EU and international community for armed intervention in Bosnia if riots continue going.[5] After that, he offered his resignation. It’s also important to mention how the Russian government attacked the EU for condemning the riots and used Bosnia to bring up once more the EU’s support for oppositional riots in Ukraine.[6] Are we really going to see an armed intervention in Bosnia?

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[l] at 1/19/21 2:26pm
Author: Juraj Katalenac
Title: Yugoslav self-management
Subtitle: Capitalism under the red banner
Date: October 3, 2013
Notes: Originally published in Insurgent Notes #9
Source: Retrieved on 19th January 2021 from libcom.org

All official and liberal science defends wage-slavery, whereas Marxism has declared relentless war on that slavery.

Lenin

Yugoslav self-management is a unique historical experiment. Furthermore, it is one of the most interesting formations of, so called, real-socialism up to today, as Yugoslavia broke with the Soviet Union and initiated its own specific economic, political and ideological way. It was a system which publicly criticized “bureaucratic deviations” of the Soviet Union, which shouted “workplaces to the workers,” which “abolished” its own Communist Party and set its own path in Cold War politics. But it was also a system of its own contradictions, a system that criticized the bureaucracy of others while its own was growing, a system that stood for workers’ self-management only on paper while technocrats and managers ran the economy in practice, a system that “abolished” the One Party by just renaming it and a system that raged against imperialism while it took an active role in it. Also, if we take a look at questions of federalism and centralism or the national question(s) within Yugoslavia, we will get one really complex and interesting picture. Still, self-management, especially with the new social movements that spawned recently and that are attracted to such ideas, remains a crucial and relevant topic. For the same reason, it is a really big shame that in an era of the Fukuyamist “triumph of democracy,” few people study Yugoslavia and, on Croatian faculties, it is mentioned only through post-90s liberal-nationalist mythology.

The aim of this article is to give a Marxist critique of Yugoslav self-management. I think that Marxism is not “defeated” and that Marx’s critique of capitalism can be applied to so-called “socialist” countries. Because of that, I consider “socialist” Yugoslavia as a capitalist society. As a Marxist, I completely reject the Stalinist hoax of “socialism in one country,” but also, I analyze economic and political relations based on a Marxist analysis of capitalism instead of mere proclamations and documents that these systems published. In my critique of the Yugoslav economy, I’m relying on the works of Marxists such as Raya Dunayevskaya and Paresh Chattopadhyay and their analyzes of the Soviet Union, as there are a lot of similarities and useful approaches. Using Marx’s method, I accept that the fundamental criterion to characterize an economy is in its specific social relations in production. They reveal the specific ways in which workers and the means of production are combined for production—or in class society—“the specific form in which the unpaid surplus labour is pumped out from the immediate producer” (Marx in Chattopadhyay 1994:5). By using this method, as Dunayevskaya and Chattopadhyay did in the case of the Soviet Union, or as I’ll try in the case of Yugoslavia, we can notice specific social relations in production on which society is based, i.e. the ways of appropriation and use of surplus labour of that society. We can also mention the need of these economies for “enlarged reproduction of the relations of production that determined specific existential forms of ownership, exchange, and distribution” (Chattopadhyay 1994:6). For an analysis of capitalism, it is important to present the dual meaning of Marx’s concept of capital: economic and legal, upon which we will analyze relations within “socialist” Yugoslavia. Also, it is important to tackle the revision of Marxism by Marxist-Leninists such as Stalin and the Soviet intelligentsia, but also Yugoslav intelligentsia such as Tito, Edvard Kardelj, Boris Kidrič and economist Branko Horvat (see his book ABC of Yugoslav Socialism (1989).

In the discussion about workers’ self-management, I’ll also analyze its critique by Yugoslav intellectuals around the philosophical journal Praxis. In the #3–4 issue in 1971, Praxis presented its critique of Yugoslavia that in some works, like in Rudi Supek’s “Contradictions and ambiguities of Yugoslav self-managing socialism” (1971), marked Yugoslavia as a capitalist society, but still stood behind self-management as a path to communism.

This subject is too large to be adequately processed in such a short form. A lot of “episodes” and “moments” of the Yugoslav system will be left out. As this is my first serious article, I’m hoping that certain mistakes will be pointed out in critiques and comments I’ll receive upon individuals’ reading of this one. I’d like to thank all the people whose comments helped me to shape this article. Also, I’d like to express my gratitude to the editors of Insurgent Notes to allow me to contribute to this issue.

BIRTH OF SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA

It is impossible to talk about Titoism or Yugoslav self-management without knowing certain historical contexts which helped to spawn these ideas. In order to do that, we need to analyze the politics of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its national branches, working class self-activity, and the international official communist movement, which was by then heavily infected with post-October, now Stalinist, counter-revolution.

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[l] at 1/19/21 2:21pm
Author: Juraj Katalenac
Title: Interview with TPTG: Class struggles in Greece
Date: May 29, 2012
Notes: Interview is made by Juraj Katalenac. This was originally published in Croatian papers Zarez #335.
Source: Retrieved on 19th January 2021 from libcom.org

Interview with Greek anti-authoritarian communist collective TPTG about crisis of capitalism and its reflections on Greece and class struggle of proletariat against austerity measures. Interview was made before elections in Greece, but we discuss Left and their actions. Also, first two answers are taken from their article Burdened with Debt Reloaded.


In 2010 you’ve published an article Burdened with Debt which you have presented in summer camp. In this article you’ve wrote about the way in which the crisis of capitalism is reflected in Greece, i.e. the “debt crisis” and “shock therapy” of the PASOK government in cooperation with the EU and the IMF, and you have also examined possibilities of class struggle in what you have called “the harshest class attack since the end of the 2nd world war called “austerity measures”. Recently, on April 12th, you published a supplement article entitled Burdened with Debt Reloaded. Can you briefly introduce us with the analysis of the situation in Greece?

In our first articles we have stated that the aggravation of the protracted capitalist reproduction crisis had been postponed by a certain politics of money that had led to a relative autonomisation of finance capital and a closer interaction between exporters of capital/lenders of money and debtors with increasing private or public debts (on the level of the EU this was expressed as a hierarchical interaction between the “core” nation-states and the “peripheral” ones). With the bursting of the real estate bubble in the US into a global financial crisis in 2008 there were additional public debts due to socializing of capitalist losses and bailing out banks. In Greece, the regime of accumulation of the ’90s and 2000’s based on the increase of fixed capital investment and productivity of labour, a dual labour market and high public and private spending made possible by the low real interest rates in the Eurozone “periphery” (due to the higher inflation rates compared to the ones in the “core”) and the corresponding influx of capitals from the surpluses of the EU “core”–a regime that had started showing signs of decline since the mid 2000’s due to the fall in the rate of exploitation– collapsed completely with the advent of the crisis.

The initial austerity measures developed into a full blown shock policy of devaluation of capital, which has deepened the recession and increased public debt. A main ingredient of the politics of devaluation of capital is the depreciation of labour power which aims at the weakening of the power of the working class by establishing permanent austerity and disciplining mechanisms, and by the creation of a large reserve army. Furthermore, this depreciation of labour power is facilitated by the institutional abolition of collective bargaining agreements, a process which, to a great extent, undermines the very function of the labour power representation mechanisms. The general politics of devaluation, with its bank recapitalization measures, the elimination or expropriation of that portion of the total-social capital (small and medium-scale enterprises) that is unable to valorise surplus capital, the depreciation of promissory notes and the fall in consumption and investments, aims at the centralization of capital, the reproduction of so-called primitive accumulation and the overcoming of the separation between the different moments in the reproduction of the capitalist relationship that existed before the crisis. In the midst of a capital devaluation process, there are nevertheless certain investment plans especially in the energy sector (solar power, oil and hydrocarbons) and a long list of imminent privatisations of state services and state controlled companies, which, however, in an environment of deep recession and lack of state investments, seem very uncertain.

As an illustration of what we said above, here are the most recent data we have gathered.

In 2010–2011, GDP (in 2000 fixed prices) has decreased by 10% (overall recession for 2008–2011 is 16,3%). Total consumption has fallen by 12.6% (-10.7% for private consumption and -14.5% for public consumption). Gross fixed capital investment has decreased by 17.9%.

The exports of goods and services have increased by 14.5% in 2010–2011. This is due to the recovery of international trade, which is the increase of external demand in all countries. So, if it is put in its international context, Greece’s market performance of exports of goods and services in 2010–2011 is -1% compared to 2009, which is the worst export performance in the last 20 years. Exports correspond only to the 1/5 of GDP.

In the second quarter of 2011, employment has decreased by 6.1% and unemployment has increased by 36.5% compared with the second quarter in 2010. The rate of unemployment had reached 20.9% last November or, in other words, more than one million people. Particularly affected are women from 15 to 34 years old whose unemployment percentage is 32% and young people (15–24 years) in general whose percentage is 48%. GSEE estimates that the unemployment rate will run into 26% in 2012. This percentage of unemployment is comparable only to the one in the early ‘60s when hundreds of thousands of Greeks emigrated to central Europe, North America and Australia. Note that the 2012 estimates do not count in the forthcoming dismissals in the public sector: 15,000 state workers will be dismissed this year and 150,000 in total by 2015. The only sector where employment is increasing is the police. During 2010–2011 the unit labor cost decreased only by 1.2%. This happened because while average nominal wage in the private sector decreased by 4.5%, productivity of labour also decreased by 3.3%.

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[l] at 1/19/21 2:13pm
Author: Juraj Katalenac
Title: The Network of Anarcho-syndicalists (MASA), Croatia
Date: July 16, 2009
Source: Retrieved on 19th January 2021 from libcom.org

Mreža anarhosindikalista i anarhosindikalistkinja (eng. The Network of Anarcho-syndicalists) or in short MASA (“masa” is also a Croatian word for mass, mob, crowd or similar – this is a note for you to understand the symbolic of our name.) is a propaganda organization from Croatia that tends to form an anarcho-syndicalist revolutionary syndicate confederation in Croatia, and to become a part of the IWA.

As I said, the aim of our organization is to create an anarchist syndicate and to become a member of the IWA-AIT. We believe that this is the best way to form a strong anarchist movement in our country and to raise the class consciousness of the working class. We must be strong and united to be able to fight for our rights, our jobs, our neighborhoods, our communities etc. against capitalism and the State.

MASA was formed in Zadar at “the 1st national anarcho-syndicalist meeting” that took place from 16th to 17th of February 2008. But, MASA didn’t actually exist until the 1st Congress that was organized on the 12th of April 2008 in Zagreb. On that Congress MASA voted its 1st version of the Statute and MASA’s structure. Until now we have had two more Congresses, the 2nd Congress organized in Pula from 6th to 7th September 2008, and the 3rd Congress organized in Zagreb from 21st to 22nd March 2009. On our 3rd Congress we voted the new Statute.

As you can clearly see MASA is a really young organization. We have existed for one year only, but we have achieved really a lot.

Before MASA, there was only one “class anarchist” initiative in Croatia. That was ZAF (eng. Zadar’s anarchist front) from Zadar. But the group was based only in Zadar, and it didn’t last long. There was also ASK (eng. Anarcho-Syndicalist Confederation), the initiative of individuals across the country. But it also didn’t last very long. The rest were, off course, various individualist, insurrectionist, anarchofeminist etc. groups, but those people were mostly part of the underground/subculture and they never did anything for the working class. So, those groups remained in their ghetto. MASA isn’t and never will be a part of that ghetto. We are trying to achieve much more. Our “short term” goal is, as I said, to form an anarcho-syndicalist revolutionary syndicate confederation in Croatia, and to become a part of the IWA. We want to help our working class in class war, and we want to help them to organize themselves (or better to say – ourselves) in order to win this war and to create the society without classes – libertarian communism.

ORGANISATION

MASA is not a syndicate, but I think that we almost have the structure of an anarchist syndicate.

MASA consists of local groups (or in short LG’s). To form an LG you need to have 3 MASA members in one town. Until today we have formed 5 LG’s, in Zagreb, Pula, Split, Rijeka and Zadar. Unfortunately we don’t have the group in Zadar anymore. We also have local contacts that represent MASA members who live in towns where they are not able to form an LG. We have local contacts in Dubrovnik, Labin, Osijek, Karlovac and Zadar (since there’s no group anymore).

Every LG is autonomous and members of every LG have the right to do what they want, unless they don’t break MASA’s Statute. Every LG elects its Secretary and the “cashier”.

The secretary is a person who organizes and coordinates LG’s work and the “cashier” is a person who collects money from members.

On a national level we have MASA’s Secretariat which consists of the National Secretary (who coordinates the work of LG’s and represents MASA in Croatia), the International Secretary (who contacts other anarcho-syndicalist groups, anarchist syndicates, IWA, or other anarchist groups from abroad) and the National “cashier” (who collects money from MASA’s members).

Once a year our Congress takes place and for that occasion every LG sends delegates. In our Statute we even have a mathematical formula that defines the number of delegates every LG has the right send to the Congress.

Since we have members is towns where an LG can’t be formed, we call them Isolated Members. They have a “special status” in the way that they can vote on Congress trough their geographically nearest LG. They can also be elected to MASA’s Secretariat or on other functions.

We also have various Committees, for example the Informatical Committee whose task is to take care of our internet page, forum etc., or The Publishing Committee whose task is to translate, edit and publish anarcho-syndicalist propaganda. We have a few more, like the Graphical Committee, the Statute Committee etc.

We also have a registered NGO called Centar za anarhističke studije (Eng. Center forAnarchist Studies) or CAS in short. The main purpose of this NGO is to get the ISBN and the ISNN numbers for our books, papers and for the rest of the material, since we need all this material to be in libraries and bookstores in order to spread our propaganda as much as possible. Also, with this NGO, we can promote anarcho-syndicalist ideas in the form of various lectures etc. We are aware that NGO’s are not the right way to fight the system, but we use as many options as we can in order to fight back.

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[l] at 1/18/21 7:27pm
Author: Pierre Garine
Title: An Anarchist in North Korea
Subtitle: The Opposite of Freedom: A Journey to Pyongyang
Source: https://www.fifthestate.org/archive/390-fall-2013/anarchist-north-korea/

The Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK)–North Korea. The very mention of the country’s name and a blizzard of buzzwords are released: Cult of Personality, Mass starvation, Nuclear-armed, Thought Control, Defectors and Reverse-defectors.

A land completely closed to the outside world? Since the 1960s, a small but steady stream of foreign delegations, diplomats, NGO representatives, and regular tourists have been permitted to visit North Korea, albeit under tightly controlled conditions with official minders watching every move and word.

So, the door is open, and the opportunity presented itself to me (a China-based expatriate)–a four day trip to Pyongyang with a Chinese tour group a few months after the snowy funeral of Dear Leader Kim Jong Il.

But as an anarchist, why visit this graveyard of freedom? What good would come of such a journey? These pointed fingers jabbed me as my plane set down in Dandong, the Manchurian border gateway city on the Yalu River.

The internet-savvy North Korean authorities Google your name to check that you are not a journalist and if it is your first visit, they green light you.

No visa application, just a scan of your passport and a photo.

Chinese pay a low price for the package, EU citizens or Hong Kong, Macau or Taiwan Chinese double that and Americans are admitted at a 200 percent, markup, but are denied access to the local train ride from the border to Pyongyang and must fly in from Shenyang on Air Koryo, the North’s rickety but functioning airline. My EU passport was a boon in this regard.

An evening walk in Dandong revealed much. On the Chinese side of the river stood towering high-rise luxury apartments, nearby, glaring multi-colored neon displays touting restaurants, Korean-style bathhouses, and hotels. Souvenir shops selling a full line of Korean goods stood alongside Pyongyang-style restaurants staffed with costumed waitresses from the North trying to pull in customers from the sidewalk.

A Christian café provided a base for the bible thumpers reaching out to desperate defectors. Chinese-owned shops hawked second-hand hardware, tools, and generators to the fortunate Northern shoppers holding Chinese currency.

I was reminded of an American or Mexican border town, like El Paso or Juarez. A half-bridge from the Chinese-side (the other half bombed into rubble with precision by the US Air Force early in the Korean War in 1950) was lit up with neon next to the new working road and rail bridge linking China’s Dandong with the North Korean city of Sinuiju.

Across the deep river, on the North Korean side, not a single light could be seen. Not a candle, not a cigarette, nothing, only the dim outline of two factory smokestacks and that of a long-halted Ferris wheel at a riverside amusement park.

A Chinese tour member and I looked across silently, then we made our way to one of the North Korean restaurants on the Chinese side which stayed open all night. The gruff middle-aged female manager holding court at a table with a group of chain smoking border traders swiftly summoned a waitress to take our order as a TV pulled in a grainy official broadcast of the Pyongyang Channel 1 where we could just make out the boy-emperor, Kim Jong Un, engaging in field inspection of some facility. Tomorrow, our bus with a Chinese tour group would cross the Yalu for our four days and three nights in the Paradise for People.

North Korean tourism has its detractors and defenders, and it is safe to call it a moral grey area. As I wrestled with my reasons for visiting, my Chinese companion’s motive was pure curiosity.

The Chinese people seemed to look at their North Korean brothers in the way a parent might regard their autistic child. The Mao Revolution had inspired Kim Il Sung and his Korean Workers’ Party (KWP) to build a copycat state in the North in 1948, complete with little books of the Supreme Leader’s Juche (Self-Sufficiency) philosophy for the people to quote from and wave.

I decided to go, because it was possible. Because maybe I could, against all odds, make contact with someone on the other side and let them know there is an alternative, there is a hope of regaining their freedom, real freedom, not just the right to buy a Big Mac.

I had a few pieces of subversive media I wanted to give away, but I knew that to be caught with something could bring heavy charges for a North Korean. I knew my presence would probably be used by the state and that my minders would be in charge every minute of my visit. Nevertheless, I bought my ticket and took my chance.

The 1960s era Soviet-built train lurched and shook its way across a thawing landscape of fallow farmland, past desolate, barren hillsides and thatched-roofed villages where everyone walked. Not a single bicycle or motorcycle could be seen, it was all foot traffic with the occasional ox-cart. The land looked as if some cosmic hand had gone over it systematically with a blowtorch and a sandblaster.

At the border, there had been second thoughts before the bus, poised at the Yalu bridge, received a green light and the barrier lifted. The customs shed held a moment of drama as a special comrade was called in by the uniformed inspectors to have a close look at my laptop which the tour office had strongly recommended I leave behind.

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[l] at 1/17/21 8:23am
Author: Anarchist Federation
Title: Capitalism is Killing the Earth
Subtitle: An Anarchist Guide to Ecology
Date: 2018
Notes: First Edition, 2018 ISBN: 978-1-916-41290-3 Text by John Warwick with contributions
from other Anarchist Federation members Illustrations: Nicky Minus (pages 9, 14, 28, 36); Guy Denning (page 22) Cover image: Clifford Harper Cover design: Euan Sutherland Afed.org.uk
Source: Retrieved on 2021-01-15 from afed.org.uk
j-w-john-warwick-capitalism-is-killing-the-earth-2.png Glossary

Capitalism: An economic and political system based on the exploitation of those forced to sell their labour to survive. In this system, trade, industry and major decisions which affect the environment are made by private owners who are driven by profit.

Green capitalism: As above but with more solar panels.

Neoliberalism: A political system of free markets, privatisation of once communal resources and minimal regulations exploiting workers or the environment.

Scientific consensus: An agreement amongst the majority of experts in a field about a scientific process. Over 97% of climate scientists agree humans are causing climate change.

Holistic: An approach which assumes parts of a system are intimately interconnected and must be treated as a whole.

Colonialism: The practice of occupying a territory to exploit its natural resources and inhabitants.

Greenwash: Actions taken by politicians and corporations to appear ‘green’ and environmentally friendly whilst doing nothing of consequence.

The state: The collected institutions that create and enforce laws created by a small minority of people within a territory. Through laws the state claims that only it has the right to use violence. The state uses the law to justify and protect a capitalist economy.

MEDC/LEDC: More/Less Economically Developed Country

Introduction

We are in a period of crisis that we in MEDCs cannot yet see. The signs are there if you look hard enough but at the moment the water is still flowing, the crops are still reliable the ski lifts are still running. The first wave of climate refugees are trying to make their way into Europe but they are being dismissed as ‘economic migrants’ or those displaced by war. In all likelihood, MEDCs will not feel the effects of climate change for some time; our relative wealth will push the impacts onto those who haven’t the means to adapt or whose local climates were less temperate to begin with. The longer we wait to act, however, the bigger the coming crunch will be.

Collectively, MEDCs are responsible for the overwhelming majority of cumulative carbon emissions and will have to radically change their energy and transport systems if an ecological disaster is to be avoided. Who will bear the brunt of the costs and who will get rich from this process is sadly predictable. The working class in MEDCs and most people in LEDCs will pay for the fossil fuel addiction and growth-at-all-costs model of the capitalist system. We have already begun to see this happen in the black, working-class communities devastated by natural disasters in the USA and flooding killing thousands in Bangladesh.

Capitalism relies on constantly increasing accumulation of profits. This has been achieved historically by appropriations (a polite term for thefts) both internal and external to the nation state. Internally, in Europe from the fifteenth century onwards, this has followed the model of stealing common land from the people to create a proletarian class dependent on wage labour to support itself. Externally, this expansion was tied to a move outside Europe’s borders to exploit natural resources and labour in other locations. Thus colonialism and capitalism were, from the beginning, linked to processes of resource extraction and accumulation.

Capitalism is now in crisis; with so few areas beyond its reach, there are no easy sources of growth to appropriate, and the ability of the earth’s ecosystems to accommodate further growth is being seriously questioned. How then to continue growth and profit? In MEDCs, we are seeing a fresh attack on workers’ rights, with more precarious jobs, lower pay and poorer social care. In LEDCs, the neoliberal development model is pushed with privatisation and financial deregulation extracting the most profit for the capitalists.

We write this pamphlet to discuss the environmental problems that capitalism has created, with a focus on climate change and the false solutions offered up to us. There has been wider understanding of environmental issues since mainstream publications such as Silent Spring, Gaia and An Inconvenient Truth; however, an anti-capitalist critique has been lacking.

Capitalism is a system reliant on the total exploitation of nature; whether that be sacrificing our clean water to frack for hydrocarbons or sacrificing our children to the production line. We must develop our ideas of what a different future may look like outside the constraints of both capital and fossil fuels. We must also critique the false solutions offered by ‘green capitalism’ and increased state control. It is our contention that the world in fifty years will look radically different from what we see now. The question is whether we are moving towards a sustainable future for humanity, or one of catastrophe.

Climate Change and Capitalism

The concept of human-caused climate change is not new. Joseph Fourier first discussed the greenhouse effect in 1824 and suggested human activities could influence global temperatures. Other famous names of chemistry and physics such as Tyndall, Arrhenius and Bell developed this theory and understood its implications. By the early twentieth century there was an understanding in the scientific community that burning fossil fuels could alter the earth’s climate.

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[l] at 1/15/21 12:49am
Author: Benjamin Tucker
Title: Liberty Vol. II. No. 3.
Subtitle: Not the Daughter but the Mother of Order
Date: 11/11/1882
Notes: Many thanks to https://readliberty.org for the readily-available transcription and to https://www.libertarian-labyrinth.org for the original scans.
Source: Retrieved on 09/01/2020 from http://www.readliberty.org/liberty/2/3


“For always in thine eyes, O Liberty!

Shines that high light whereby the world is saved;

And though thou slay us, we will trust in thee.”

John Hay.

On Picket Duty.

The truest and most important thing said by General Butler during his recent campaign for the governorship was this: “You hear about men making money; they get it away from each other. It is all produced from the soil at first.” This is a simple, plain, and forcible way of saying that interest, rent, and profit are dishonest abstractions from the pockets of labor.

Liberty scarcely gets a fair show in the “North American Review” discussion concerning the suppression of obscene literature between Anthony Comstock, aided by a clergyman, on the one hand, and O. B. Frothingham on the other. Two against one, and that one half in sympathy with the enemy, is not a condition of a square fight. Either James Parton or Elizur Wright would have been a much more acceptable and effective champion of Liberty. Why was not one of them invited to enter the lists?

The Boston “Advertiser,” referring to the statement made in a recent cable despatch that the French Anarchists have correspondents in Boston and Montevideo, says that “the boast of the revolutionists that they have a correspondent in Boston is empty. Any fool in any part of the world can exchange vaporings with some one in Boston.” When one considers that in this instance the “tools” are such men as Prince Kropotkine, a prominent contributor to the “Encyclopedia Britannica” and the English reviews, and Elisée Reclus, perhaps the foremost geographer of the world, the “Advertiser’s” statement is seen to be characteristically ridiculous, and arouses the query whether any ass in the “Advertiser” office can show his — well, his posterior in the editorial column. So indecent an exposure seems explicable on no other hypothesis.

For the following interesting and instructive item we are indebted to the London “Truth”: “M. Elisée Reclus, the illustrious author of the ‘Geographie Universelle,’ has inaugurated free marriage, and united his two daughters ‘freely’ to two young men of their choice. This adverb ‘freely’ means that M. Reclus has dispensed not only with the religious ceremony of marriage, but also with the civil marriage in presence of the mayor. He simply invited his friends and relatives to a banquet at the Grand Hotel, over which he presided, more avorum, and there and then, literally entre les poires et le fromage, or, as we should say, ‘across the walnuts and the wine,’ he declared the union of his two girls with their respective sweethearts.” This very sensible conduct is said to have made a “painful impression” upon M. Reclus’s scientific friends in England. Charity prompts the hope that these pure souls may find an early opportunity of ascension and thus be saved the utter agony sure to be inflicted upon them, if they live a few years longer, in consequence of the growing inclination to follow M. Reclus’s wise example.

Liberty takes the greatest satisfaction in calling attention to a pamphlet lately received, entitled “Liberty and Morality,” and written by W. S. Bell. We warmly greet it as one of the many evidences now accumulating on every hand that our work is telling, that we are having an influence on the public mind, and that we are educating the teachers. It is written to show the tyranny of compulsory moral standards and the futility of expecting morality to thrive except as increasing Liberty prevails; and although the word Anarchy is not (we believe) to be found in it, scarcely a page but contains an epigrammatic sentence which might fitly serve as a motto for this or any other Anarchistic journal. Throughout it is eloquent, discriminating, and profound, and indicative of a degree of ability for which we have never given its author credit. He originally delivered it as a lecture before the Watkins Freethinkers’ Convention, and proposes to repeat it frequently during an approaching lecture tour in the West. We bespeak for him and his thought a hearty welcome. He may be addressed at “18 East Springfield Street, Boston, Mass.”

Another outrage on the freedom of the press has been committed by Anthony Comstock. About a fortnight ago he visited Princeton, and arrested E. H. Heywood, editor of the “Word,” who has been once before his victim. Mr. Heywood was brought to Boston and placed in Charles Street jail, where he remained over two nights and was then bailed out by his brother, S. R. Heywood, of Worcester, who apparently has “experienced a change of heart.” It is not definitely known what all the charges to be preferred against Mr. Heywood are, but he is undoubtedly to be complained of for circulating a printed slip containing the two “objectionable” poems from “Leaves of Grass” and for advertising an article known as the Comstock syringe for the prevention of conception. In both these acts Mr. Heywood only did what he had a perfect right to do against the whole world, and it is the duty of every earnest Liberal to come to his aid in his hour of trial. In this connection we must express our indignation at the cowardly conduct of D. M. Bennett, editor of the “Truth-Seeker,” who prates about Mr. Heywood’s taste and methods. We do not approve of Mr. Heywood’s taste and methods, but neither did we of Mr. Bennett’s when we did our little best a few years ago to save him from Comstock’s clutches. It is not a question of taste, but of Liberty, and no man who fails to see this and act accordingly can over fairly call himself a Liberal again. Mr. Heywood’s preliminary examination will come off in the United States court-house November 16, and we hope that every friend of Liberty will attend to give the prisoner countenance. Now, a few plain words to Mr. Heywood himself. He is very likely, in our opinion, to be cleared on the “Leaves of Grass” charge, but in regard to the syringe his position seems to us very “ticklish.” The statute which forbids the advertising of syringes, etc., is so definite as to admit of no important difference of interpretation, and Mr. Heywood has but one hope worth trusting to of-escaping its enforcement upon him. That hope lies in his ability to convince some member of the jury that he has the right, regardless of the court’s instructions, to judge, not only the facts, but the law and the justice of the law. If Mr. Heywood is shrewd, he will employ no lawyer except in an advisory capacity, but will bring his own well-known powers of oratory and argument directly to bear upon the jury in nailing and clinching that point. Otherwise, it is to be feared that his fate will be a hard one.

...

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[l] at 12/29/20 8:21pm

Announcing a new multilingual section of The Anarchist Library for Southeast Asia:
The Southeast Asian Anarchist Library!

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[l] at 11/9/20 9:41am
IRC

webchat : https://irc.anarchyplanet.org/#library

or point your preferred IRC client towards the server || port (regular, SSL, and via Tor):

server: irc.anarchyplanet.org

channel: #library

matrix: matrix bridge 2 IRC #library: #theanarchistlibrary:riot.anarchyplanet.org

irc.anarchyplanet.org || port 6667
irc.anarchyplanet.org || port 6697 (for SSL)
km3jy7nrj3e2wiju.onion || port 6667 || (and) 6697

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[l] at 8/16/20 4:21pm

theanarchistlibrary.org is (despite its name) an archive focusing on anarchism, anarchist texts, and texts of interest for anarchists.

Within the scope of our use of the term “anarchism” we have been quite broad, but broad does not mean infinite, and basically shrinks down to a set of ideas against the State and the capital. This immediately rules out the so-called “anarcho-capitalism”, “anarcho-nationalism” and similar crap.

What is so special about this site?

Often, you may find the texts hosted here on other sites that also aim to be digital libraries, and often the texts are taken from them (the source is always listed). But this library provides (together with the on-line version of each text) one or more high quality PDFs in various sizes and file formats, as well as its plain text sources, and an EPUB version for mobile platforms. We actively encourage the DIY printing and the distribution of the texts, so you have the “imposed” version for Letter paper (USA) and A4 (rest of the world): just print double side, fold and clip, and the booklet is ready.

The site provides a way for distributors and friends to change the layout of the PDFs and to create collections of an arbitrary number of texts (1 or more). See the bookbuilder page.

The site also provides an advanced search engine.

All these features come with some responsibility for the people who want to contribute to the library. We ask that uploaders contribute a logical representation of the text, with headings, emphasis, quotation blocks, etc. marked up appropriately. The site provides some tools (inside the web interface) to make this process easy, but some attention and some care is still required. Please be sure to read the manual if you plan to join the project for the mid- to long-term.

I have a text I’d like to see in the library. May I submit it?

Yes, you may! You don’t need an account. Just click Add to Library and read the instructions.

I uploaded something, but you censored me!

When we choose not to publish something, usually we contact the uploader, providing a explanation. Problematic texts are always discussed.

What about my zine?

If you want to publish your zine here, keep in mind that we can’t accept PDFs or raw scans. The texts here are processed to produce various formats, including but not limited to PDF.

Even if inserting images in the text is fully supported, this archive may not be the best solution for graphically heavy texts.

So, if you think your text makes sense only together with its specific layout, the place to publish it is zinelibrary, not the library.

What about my scans?

Texts freshly scanned are welcome, but you have to OCR and format them first. Broken, unreadable texts are rejected. We prefer quality over quantity. Work on your text and make it shine, don’t throw it up as shit on the grass.

Hey, you started without me. Can I join you?

Sure, you can join the crew. We have a mailing list (library@angrylists.com) and a IRC channel.

What about support for other languages?

It’s a reality. There are already projects in: anarhisticka-biblioteka.net, Spanish, French, Dutch, Danish, Russian, Italian, Macedonian, German, Swedish, Polish, Finnish, Turkish.

If you are interested in creating a new language project, please read this documentation first, and then please contact us.

Tell us about your technology.

All the various components use free software and the code is freely available at http://amusewiki.org.

Why don’t you do X

Perhaps because we haven’t got around to it. Perhaps we have other reasons for not doing X. If you want X to happen at the Anarchist Library, feel free to log onto the IRC channel and talk to us about how X will rock our world, and how to make X happen. We are probably open to do it.

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[l] at 2/20/20 7:18pm
The Anarchist Library on torrent as of February 17, 2020

1.6 gb 7zip, English library website mirror - PDF, MUSE, TEX, HTML, and EPUB

Torrent & Magnet link:

https://1337x.to/torrent/4306371/The-Anarchist-Library-English-February-17-2020/

Magnet Link

Please seed if you can.

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[l] at 11/5/17 6:38am

October 6th, 2015

An update from the Anarchist Library: Fall 2015 Getting old? or just the weather...

Greetings from the labyrinths of the library. The anarchist library project has been aging slowly with time and brushing the dust off of its pages by forking out into new and exciting paths. The project now provides texts in eight different languages. The German and Swedish language libraries are the most recent additions. The project also offers libraries in the Serbo-Croatian, Macedonian, Finnish, Russian, Spanish, and the English languages. As always, your participation in this project by helping upload and edit texts of interest to you is what helps make the archives wonderful.

Languages:

If you are interested in starting a new library in your native language (or one that you are highly fluent in), please contact us via email or by dropping by the IRC chat. We are willing to provide full support to help get your library project up and running.

Email: https://theanarchistlibrary.org/special/about

IRC: https://theanarchistlibrary.org/special/webchat (IRC etiquette means that we are not always there and often AFK IRL, so please have patience)

Social Media:

The library has also recently made a Twitter robot that automatically tweets out the newest editions and edits to the world. It's still in the beta stages, so please bear with it as a small foray into the world of robots and social media.

https://twitter.com/AnarchistLib

In other social media news, some of you may know that the library started a Facebook page years ago as well. It seems that this page, while generally disdained and neglected (and even hated) for some years by the librarians – has somehow become really popular. It now has almost 6,000 members in the public group (is this something to celebrate?). The page is meant as a tool for discussion and sharing of anarchist texts and not as a place for posting memes or heating up sectarian issues.

https://www.facebook.com/groups/262856644014/ (it's behind a wall and you must be logged in to view + added to group by mods)

Mirrors:

In place of having a torrent as we have done before in the past, friends have been kind enough to help provide a series of static website mirrors setup in case anything were to ever happen to the main servers. You can find them here:

http://mirror.anarhisticka-biblioteka.net/

http://mirror.anarhija.net

http://tal.bastardarchive.org/

http://tal.bolo-bolo.co/ (this mirror is beautiful, but not currently updated)

One is able to get the full batch of texts from the library a la the torrent by using tools for recursive downloading like wget for Linux, although we are unaware of any tools like this existing on Windoze.

How to help:

And on a closing note, the library is interested in searching out anarchist libraries IRL or AFK. While Infoshops are grand and play a vital role in the community, we are really looking for actual libraries or special collections that contain anarchist history. If you are aware of any anarchist special collections in the world please do let us know or help edit the wiki page on this subject (does a resource like this already exist?). It would be interesting information for those interested in research and finding lost gems in the anarchist canon on their travels.

https://bookshelf.theanarchistlibrary.org/library/librarian-anarchist-special-collections-en

Here is a 4 step crash course in how you can help the library as well-

http://bookshelf.theanarchistlibrary.org/library/teh-manual-for-revolutionary-librarians

The Libraries:

the Swedish library:

http://sv.theanarchistlibrary.org (93 texts)

the German library:

http://anarchistischebibliothek.org (268 texts)

the Spanish library:

http://es.theanarchistlibrary.org (403 texts) also on GNU Social:

https://gnusocial.net/biblioanarquista

the Serbo-Croatian library:

https://anarhisticka-biblioteka.net (400 texts)

the Macedonian library:

http://www.anarhisticka-biblioteka.org (119 texts)

the Finnish library:

http://fi.theanarchistlibrary.org (160 texts)

the Russian library:

http://ru.theanarchistlibrary.org (354 texts)

the English library:

https://theanarchistlibrary.org (2,436 texts)

October 4, 2014: a shiny new library

The library has been upgraded, with a couple of notable improvements:

  • new mobile-friendly layout

  • enhanced bookbuilder

  • improved PDF style

The old files have been archived in a torrent release, which you can grab here: anarchist-libraries-2014-10-04.torrent.

The torrent ships the usual collection of ISO files, meant to be extracted or burned on a CD (for smaller libraries) or DVD and includes all the libraries (English, Spanish, Finnish, Macedonian, Serbo-Croatian, Russian).

April 2014

A lightweight torrent (English only, HTML + sources) has been hacked together. You can grab it here: theanarchistlibrary-en-2014-04-25.torrent.

The torrent doesn’t come from the library, but from reti who wanted (and managed) to put it together. Thanks!

December 2013 update (2) The bright side
  • The libraries have got a new mobile-friendly adaptive layout. Feedback welcome.

  • A technical tutorial about PDF compilation has been published at /special/recompile

...

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The torrent

A torrent release is available here (January 22, 2016)

It ships the CD/DVD images with the full archive of this site and of its sister sites:

PDF of various size, plain and imposed, HTML, EPUB, TeX, source files are included.

Search plugin for [[http://calibre-ebook.com/][Calibre]]

Thanks to meskio, you can search and download the texts directly from Calibre.

See the Calibre store plugin wiki page for help.

You can download the plugin here: http://theanarchistlibrary.org/docs/theanarchistlibrary_store.zip (last updated August 24, 2012).

Code

The code used to build, run and maintain the site is freely available. You can visit www.amusewiki.org to get it.

Documentation, credits, etc. is included.

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Introduction

The texts stored on the libraries are formatted with a dialect of the Emacs Muse markup, which is described in deep details in the manual.

The files are pure plain text (with the popular and ubiquitous UTF-8 encoding), and you can edit them with any editor.

The following how-to explains how to install on your very own machine the needed code to generate the HTML, EPUB and PDF (imposed and not) formats, starting from a muse formatted plain text file. You can retrieve those files for any text on the library downloading the “plain text source” file from the list of available downloads.

Installation

The programs are written in Perl. Every GNU/Linux operating system comes with Perl installed. They are supposed to work on Mac and Windows too, but you have to find your way to get Perl installed (together with a way to install modules from CPAN, the repository of Perl code, usually the program called App::cpanminus, which is invoked with the command cpanm).

Given that Debian and Ubuntu are the most used distributions around, the following tutorial will assume that the user run one of them.

Essentials

Install cpanm to retrieve the modules from CPAN and the template engine. Please become root before proceeding (Ubuntu: sudo su -, Debian: su -, please note the dash, it’s part of the command).

# apt-get install perl-modules perl-doc \
          cpanminus libtemplate-tiny-perl \
          libcam-pdf-perl libpdf-api2-perl

Then install the needed code from CPAN:

# cpanm Text::Amuse::Compile
Full-featured installation (PDF)

To produce PDFs you need TeXlive. In theory, only a subset is needed, but here for brevity we install the full version. Ok, it’s 1 gigabyte and half of download, about 3 as installed size, but nowadays disk space is cheap. [1] Keep in mind that you can still get EPUB and HTML without this.

# apt-get install texlive-full fonts-sil-charis

This will install the executable muse-compile.pl which by default will get you all the formats provided by the library.


$wget http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.muse
--2014-05-17 23:28:41--  http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.muse
Resolving theanarchistlibrary.org (theanarchistlibrary.org)... 192.235.78.154
 Connecting to theanarchistlibrary.org (theanarchistlibrary.org)|192.235.78.154|:80... connected.
HTTP request sent, awaiting response... 200 OK
Length: 49128 (48K) [text/plain]
Saving to: ‘john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.muse’

100%[=======================================>] 49,128       107K/s   in 0.4s

2014-05-17 23:28:42 (107 KB/s) — ‘john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.muse’ saved [49128/49128]

$ muse-compile.pl --pdf --epub --html --a4-pdf \
           john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.muse
Using Text::Amuse 0.43, Text::Amuse::Compiler 0.43, PDF::Imposition 0.14
Working on john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.muse file in /tmp
* Created john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.html
* Created john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.epub
* Created john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.a4.pdf
* Created john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.tex
* Created john-zerzan-tonality-and-totality.pdf

Please see muse-compile.pl --help for more information.

-- Marco (marco -AT- theanarchistlibrary.org)

[1] If you manage to strip down the installation to the minimum, please let me know, and I’ll update the tutorial.

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